Wikipedia

China threat theory

The China threat or China threat theory is varied set of views that argue that the People's Republic of China poses a threat to democracy, peace, military and economic relations, and other aspects around the world.[1] As China's economy grows, some believe that China's system of government and development model are more effective than those of Europe and the United States and that China will eventually replace them.[1] Since the end of the Cold War, the China threat theory has grown in the West, especially the United States, and has affected the US' foreign policy toward the People's Republic of China.[2]

The China threat theory does not represent a unified or cohesive view. Different countries and governments have different views on China's behavior and intentions. Some countries view China as a potential threat and need to take measures to deal with its behavior,[3][4] while others believe that issues with China should be resolved through dialogue and cooperation.[5][6]

Overview

edit
 
Global Range Map of the Dongfeng Series Missiles of the People's Liberation Army of China

The China threat theory is a statement that expresses concerns and doubts that arise in international relations due to the increasing power and influence of mainland China.[7] After Chinese century, the rapid development of the Chinese mainland has posed challenges to the interests of its neighboring countries and the international order. The threats include economic, military, food, population, and even space.[8] Some commentators point out that the dictatorship system in mainland China is the main cause of the threat theory. Chinese officials believe that the threat theory originated from statements used by Western countries to suppress China's development in the post-Cold War era.[9][7]

History

edit

The "China threat theory" has a long history in Europe. Starting with the "Anti-Chinese Wave" in the 19th century,[10] white supremacist and Chinese labor interest groups perceived Chinese workers in the United States as a "threat" to mainstream American culture. As a result, they exerted pressure on the government, leading to the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882 and 1884, respectively.[11][4] The "China threat theory" during this period specifically referred to Chinese immigrants, not the contemporary "China threat theory."[citation needed] However, the ideology of white supremacy and the conflict between Eastern and Western civilizations, which are reflected in it, can still be found in the subsequent "China threat theory."[12]

 
In 2017, the aircraft carrier Liaoning was anchored in the waters of Hong Kong.

At the inception of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), there was also a surge in the "China threat theory" in the United States.[2] This theory suggested that the success of the Chinese Communist Revolution could potentially initiate a domino effect in Southeast Asia,[13] thus presenting a "red threat" to the United States.[14] The "China threat theory" of this period emerged in the context of the Cold War.[7]

In the early days of the reform and opening up of the People's Republic of China, many people did not have a positive view of the Chinese mainland, and some even predicted that it might "collapse".[15]

 
Chinese People's Liberation Army Navy warships and distant US Navy aircraft carriers

Historically, there have been many versions of the "China threat theory," which currently revolves around opposition to the People's Republic of China, governed by the CCP.[3] However, because the state-owned economy led by the CCP is an integral part of China's contemporary economy[16] and is intertwined with the livelihoods of many people,[17] the perspectives of "anti-communism" and "anti-China" may partially coincide.[18]

Beginning in the mid-1990s, the Chinese term Zhongguo Weixielun ("China threat theory") became the more prevalent in Chinese discourse to describe perceived baseless or racist foreign fears instead of the previously more prevalent term Huangguo Lun ("Yellow Peril").[19] Usage of Zhongguo Weixielun became increasingly common in Chinese media after 2000.[19]

According to Western world, China, under the leadership of Xi Jinping, has demonstrated significant ambition,[20] especially concerning the Taiwan issue and the South China Sea dispute.[21][22] China's stance is becoming increasingly firm, prompting the Western world, led by the U.S., to address the threat posed by China.[23] Consequently, the risk of a regional military conflict has significantly increased.[24]

Threat type

edit

Economic

edit

Europe

edit

After the European debt crisis, a large amount of capital from the Chinese Mainland entered the European bond market.[25] The British media, BBC, interpreted it as mainland China gaining control over Europe through the purchase of European bonds.[26]

Africa

edit
Further information: Sino-African relations

Japan, Europe, and the United States believe that mainland China's investments, trade, and economic assistance in Africa are viewed as "neo-colonialism."[27][28]

Taiwan

edit

Mainland China poses the greatest threat to Taiwan's electronics industry exports.[29] In 2015, as mainland China began to transform its economy and upgrade its industries, it also started developing the supply chain for high-tech industries.[30][31]

Other

edit

Lester Brown's article "Who Will Feed China?" states that mainland China's large population and high food demand will lead to global food supply shortages.[32] But the world's food production has been in surplus for many years.[33] Food shortage problems only exist in places with political and military turmoil, not due to insufficient food supply.[34][35]

Strategic

edit
Main article: People's Liberation Army

Alongside economic growth, mainland China's military spending has also increased, raising concerns among neighboring countries, regions, and the United States.[36][37]

 
The growth of China's military spending comes from the 2006 Military Power Report of the People's Republic of China

America

edit

At present, China's military expenditure is second only to that of the United States.[38] Some individuals argue that this poses a threat to the United States' global leadership position.[39] However, the gap between the Chinese and U.S. militaries is still very large.[40] The military expenditure of the United States is three to four times higher than that of China, surpassing the combined total of the countries ranked second to fifteenth.[41]

Japan

edit

The Island chain strategy in the East China Sea has sparked a disagreement between China and Japan regarding the sovereignty of the Senkaku Islands and their affiliated islands in the East China Sea.[42][43] The conflict escalated further after Japan announced the nationalization of the Diaoyu Islands.[44]

Taiwan

edit
Main articles: Cross-strait relations and United front in Taiwan

Mainland China's insistence on the policy of a united front against Taiwan, along with the military buildup on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, has created a sense of threat for Taiwan.[45][46] The government of the Republic of China announced the end of mobilization to fight the rebellion in 1991, thereby declaring an end to hostilities between the two sides.[47][48]

Conflicts with Taiwan, particularly the 1995–96 Third Taiwan Strait Crisis, occurred before the first direct citizen election of the President of the Republic of China in 1995–96.[49][50] During this time, Taiwan had just experienced the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre and the Qiandao Lake incident.[51] These conflicts have highlighted the threat posed by the Chinese Communist Party and continue to influence Taiwanese politics to this day.[52][53] The Chinese Communist Party still adheres to one-party rule.[54][55] Some believe that the human rights situation in the People's Republic of China has continued to deteriorate after the Beijing Olympics.[56] China maintains its position of using force to resolve the Taiwan issue and has deployed approximately 2,000 missiles targeting Taiwan.[57] All of these factors have led to the discontent, concern, and strong opposition of the Republic of China and many Taiwanese people towards the increasing influence of the Chinese Communist Party and mainland China.[58]

South China Sea

edit
Main articles: Territorial disputes in the South China Sea and Regional reactions to China's maritime activities in the South China Sea

Conflicts with several countries, such as Vietnam and the Philippines, over sovereignty in the South China Sea have caused many nations to feel threatened by mainland China.[59] Countries that have sovereignty disputes with China in the South China Sea include Malaysia, Brunei, and Indonesia.[60] On April 24, 2021, the EU accused China of endangering peace in the South China Sea.[61] The EU has issued a new policy aimed at bolstering its influence in the Indo-Pacific in response to Chinese Century influence.[62][63]

Worldwide attitudes

edit

The perception of the threat posed by mainland China differs from time and place.[64] Further, the concept of "China threat theory" does not have a definitive stance and is sometimes even ambiguous.[3]

After the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre, some media and individuals believed that the authorities in mainland China began promoting nationalist and authoritarian political propaganda to consolidate their power.[65][66] They successively promoted nationalist media, such as the Global Times, threatened Taiwan with force, and simultaneously increased military spending.[67][68] They also engaged in espionage to acquire military and economic secrets from other nations.[69] They also declared sovereignty over disputed waters.[70] Outside observers have increasingly come to view mainland China as a military and political threat.[71]

Taiwan

edit

The Constitution of the Republic of China stipulates that the sovereignty of the Republic of China extends to the entire territory of China.[72] The term "China threat theory" refers to the perceived threat posed by the government of the People's Republic of China, which governs mainland China.[73]

After the government of the Republic of China lifted martial law in 1987, measures such as allowing family visits and opening up cross-strait relations gradually led to a reduction in tensions;[74] However, first of all, the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre in mainland China, and later the Qiandao Lake incident, among others, have generally left Taiwanese people with a negative impression of mainland China.[75][51]

In recent years, Taiwan has undergone a revision of the Constitution of the Republic of China and has ceased temporary provisions against the communist rebellion since 1991.[76] The Government of the Republic of China no longer considers the CCP and the Government of the People's Republic of China as enemies or rebels.[55] However, the former often discussed their perspectives and positions on various topics, including the Second Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese Civil War, the non-recognition of the Government of the Republic of China, Taiwan democratization,[77] Taiwanization, and Taiwan independence movement.[78] These discussions were deemed unacceptable by the government of the Republic of China, especially the Kuomintang. Show force and suppress Taiwan's international presence.[79]

Wang Jinping, the former president of the Legislative Yuan of the Republic of China, has stated that given mainland China's increasing military capabilities, Taiwan should take a more proactive approach in International organizations.[80] This includes strengthening alliances with the United States and Japan and continuing to enhance its self-defense capabilities.[81] These measures are necessary to ensure peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region and across the Taiwan Strait.[82][83]

President Tsai Ing-wen of the Republic of China believes that the democratization of mainland China has always had an impact on the process of cross-strait relations and the stability of the Taiwan Strait.[84] Democracy and human rights are Taiwan's most important assets, and Taiwan should actively support mainland China in its democratic process.[85]

Malaysia

edit

Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad was the first Asian leader to reject the "China threat theory."[5] When the "China threat theory" prevailed in Southeast Asia in the 1990s, Mahathir once stated that China was a significant country in the region and had the potential to contribute positively to regional politics, economy, and security.[86] Therefore, he advocated for practical cooperation with China.[87] On May 26, 2012, he conducted an exclusive interview with The Nikkei regarding the "China threat theory" and stated:[6]

It is inappropriate for any country to perceive other countries as a "threat". If China wants to block it, it may resort to military expansion, which could trigger an arms race. China has been a trading nation throughout history and has never been an imperialist country. It is necessary for Asian countries to enhance mutual understanding through dialogue.

— Mahathir Mohamad

United States

edit
See also: China–United States trade war

In the context of the post-Cold War era, on December 13, 1991, New York Times columnist Leslie H. Gelb wrote an article titled "Breaking China Apart".[88] Later, Charles Krauthammer wrote "Why We Must Contain China".[89] The remarks made by Major General Zhu Chenghu of the Chinese People's Liberation Army regarding US nuclear weapons have caused great controversy.[90]

China threat theory is highly popular among neoconservative circles.[91] Their idea is that the United States has a special responsibility to lead other countries towards a democratic future.[92] Additionally, they believe that the United States should strive to become the sole superpower in the world.[93]

After assuming office as the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party in 2012, Xi Jinping led China to abandon its strategy of "hiding its power and biding its time" and instead implemented the "One Belt, One Road" initiative.[94][95] With China's comprehensive rise in various fields and the increasing threats it poses, some factions within the American Republican Party, who were previously supportive of China (such as David Shambaugh), have changed their position.[96][97] They suggested that the US government gradually abandon its engagement policy with China and adopt a more assertive strategy.[98] Although the Republican Party and Democratic Party have serious differences and conflicts in domestic affairs, they both agree that China poses a threat to the United States' military, economic, and intellectual property rights.[99] The United States House Select Committee on Strategic Competition between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party established in 2023 in response to China threat.

Japan

edit
Further information: China–Japan relations

On December 22, 2005, Japanese Foreign Minister ASO Taro made a statement stating that "China is becoming a threat", marking the first time a member of the cabinet had publicly raised the "China threat theory".[100] Shinzo Abe also stated that in the past 20 years, China's military spending has grown rapidly and has now reached about 20 times.[101]

On January 29, 2017, the Sunday Times reported that the Japanese Embassy in the UK paid 10000 pounds per month to the Henry Jackson Society, a right-wing think tank in the UK.[102] Some British parliamentarians who were close to the Henry Jackson Association were invited by the Japanese government to visit Japan to help Japan create and promote the China threat theory in the UK;[103] In the report of the Chinese Mainland media Global Vision, Okada Chong, a guest commentator of Kyodo News Agency, also claimed that many Japanese journalists privately lamented that "if you don't add comments criticizing China in your manuscript, your manuscript will not pass", "this is not the order of your boss, but the self-censorship of journalists", "China threat theory has become normal in Japan's speech space", and so on.[104]

India

edit
Further information: China–India relations

The tension in military relations between China and India mainly lies in the disputed Sino-Indian border dispute between the two sides, as well as military assistance to Pakistan.[105] In May 1998, Indian Defense Minister George Fernandez promoted the statement that "China is the potential number one threat to India" after conducting a nuclear test in India.[106] Afterward, Fernandez himself withdrew this statement and expressed his desire to be friendly with China,[107] but the strengthening of India's military deployment was considered by various military experts to be aimed at China and Pakistan.[108][109]

Soviet Union/Russia

edit

In the early 1960s, after the serious deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations, there were arguments about China's threat to the Soviet Union and the world.[110] After the Zhenbao Island incident in 1969, China and the Soviet Union fell into a high state of tension,[111] and due to China's subsequent mobilization action (Order No. 1), the Siberia region of the Soviet Union was quite sparsely populated and difficult to defend, raising fears of China's military threat throughout the Soviet Union.[112] This China threat ideology is also very common among the dissident Soviet intellectual community,[113] as historian Roy Medvedev wrote:[114][115][116]

Joseph Stalin did not fully consider Adolf Hitler's adventurism in 1941. He believed that Hitler would start from analyzing practical factors rather than from fantasies. Today, especially in the current situation of Soviet China relations, we should not forget the lessons of 1941; Because [Mao Zedong] did not act from analyzing actual factors, but from his own sometimes extremely absurd ideas about the actual situation. Therefore, we should consider the irrational risk-taking behavior from the Mao Zedong Group.

Criticism

edit

On June 15, 1993, when meeting with Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China said that China's limited national defense capabilities are entirely for self-defense and are defensive in nature. Those who spread the rhetoric of "Chinese threat" and "China needs to fill the vacuum" are actually provoking relations among Asian countries, attempting to achieve the goal of divide and rule, which will not succeed.[117][118] After quoting the Chinese proverb "The distance you go will tell you the strength of your horse, and the time you will see will tell your heart", Jiang Zemin said that the world will see that China is and will be a staunch force in safeguarding peace in Asia and the world.[119]

Since the People's Republic of China implemented reform and opening up, China's rise in economic, political, military and other comprehensive strength,[120] and the so-called "China threat theory" has been spreading from Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, the United States and other neighboring countries and world powers, indicating that the rise of foreigners on the Chinese mainland will affect and threaten their own interests.[121][122] These countries try to use the "China threat theory" to slow down China's development or isolate China in the international arena.[123] Kuai Zheyuan pointed out that there are no more than three reasons why foreign countries propose the "China threat theory":[124]

  1. The rapid pace and scale of China's economic and military rise have left the United States, Europe, and Asian countries (especially China's neighboring countries) overwhelmed and deeply surprised, unable to stop, resist, and adapt, resulting in a sense of national crisis and frustration in national psychology; From economy, politics, security, psychology, and self-esteem, I feel threatened by the powerful rise of China. Especially in the United States, the whole country is strongly aware that the rising China is catching up with and even surpassing the United States in some fields, seriously threatening the global interests of the United States and fiercely challenging its world leadership. Therefore, it has created international public opinion of "China threat" and "China fear" to isolate and contain China.
  2. The recent adjustment of China's mentality and strategy as a major power after its rise has been somewhat hasty and radical. This creates a negative image of a hard rise rather than a soft rise for the international community, especially for developed Western countries and China's neighboring countries, resulting in negative effects and negative impacts, leading to concerns and even panic about China's strength and toughness. Recently, Valerie Niche, an analyst at the French Strategic Research Foundation, emphasized that "in the past year or two, developed countries have realized that China's image is no longer as positive as before. On February 3rd, the French newspaper "Les Echos" stated in an article: "Every week, there is a situation where China's actions cause panic among our political and economic circles.
  3. China, which has emerged in the new era, has its own historical, practical, and developed civilization, which is fundamentally different in essence and concept from historical empires such as the British, Germany, America, and Japanese empires. However, China's advanced civilization concept, development concept, and rise concept are severely lagging behind in terms of propaganda and dissemination, and as the world's second-largest economy, its discourse power is lacking and its application is even weaker. Therefore, in the face of the "China threat theory" and "China phobia", from theory to practice, it is only a passive response, with no way to crack it and no ability to resolve it.

In early 2017, the British media 'The Sunday Times' reported that Japan had invested in exaggerating China's threat theory, which was seen as a diplomatic means of trying to suppress China's development.[125]

See also

edit

References

edit
  1. ^ a b Broomfield, Emma V. (May 2003). "Perceptions of Danger: The China threat theory". Journal of Contemporary China. 12 (35): 265–284. doi:10.1080/1067056022000054605. S2CID 154883888.
  2. ^ a b Yang, Yi Edward; Liu, Xinsheng (July 2012). "The 'China Threat' through the Lens of US Print Media: 1992–2006". Journal of Contemporary China. 21 (76): 695–711. doi:10.1080/10670564.2012.666838. S2CID 154437417.
  3. ^ a b c Al-Rodhan, Khalid R. (2007). "A Critique of the China Threat Theory: A Systematic Analysis". Asian Perspective. 31 (3): 41–66. doi:10.1353/apr.2007.0011. JSTOR 42704598.
  4. ^ a b Lee, Erika (2002). "The Chinese Exclusion Example: Race, Immigration, and American Gatekeeping, 1882-1924". Journal of American Ethnic History. 21 (3): 36–62. doi:10.2307/27502847. JSTOR 27502847. S2CID 157999472.
  5. ^ a b Liow, Joseph Chin Yong (2000). "Malaysia-China Relations in the 1990s: The Maturing of a Partnership". Asian Survey. 40 (4): 672–691. doi:10.2307/3021188. JSTOR 3021188.
  6. ^ a b "马哈蒂尔：中国威胁论不妥当_宏观大势_新浪财经_新浪网" [Mahathir: China threat theory is inappropriate_Macro Trend_Sina Finance_Sina.com]. finance.sina.com.cn. Archived from the original on 2023-11-27. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  7. ^ a b c 道客巴巴. "(论文)"中国威胁论"及其应对". www.doc88.com. Archived from the original on 2023-10-14. Retrieved 2023-10-06.
  8. ^ 中国经济威胁论文 (in Chinese (China)). Archived from the original on 2023-10-14. Retrieved 2023-10-06.
  9. ^ "中國威脅論China Threat Theory|詞庫|香港電台「通識網」" [China Threat Theory | Thesaurus | Radio Hong Kong's "General Knowledge Network"]. 2020-05-11. Archived from the original on 2020-05-11. Retrieved 2023-09-30.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  10. ^ Billé, Franck; Delaplace, Grégory; Humphrey, Caroline, eds. (2012). Frontier Encounters: Knowledge and Practice at the Russian, Chinese and Mongolian Border. doi:10.11647/obp.0026. ISBN 978-1-906924-87-4.[page needed]
  11. ^ Soennichsen, John (2011). The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. Bloomsbury Publishing USA. ISBN 978-0-313-37947-5.[page needed]
  12. ^ Han, Enze; Marwecki, Daniel (4 May 2023). "Racialised international order? Traces of 'yellow peril' trope in Germany's public discourse toward China". Cambridge Review of International Affairs. 36 (3): 391–409. doi:10.1080/09557571.2020.1864296. S2CID 234456670.
  13. ^ Storey, Ian (2013). Southeast Asia and the Rise of China: The Search for Security. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-136-72296-7.[page needed]
  14. ^ "张超颖：超越"话语陷阱"——建党百年来中国共产党对美西方"话语陷阱"的应对及启示" [Zhang Chaoying: Surpassing the "Discourse Trap" -- The CPC's response to the "discourse trap" of the United States and the West since the founding of the Party 100 years ago and its enlightenment]. sdxw.iqilu.com. Archived from the original on 2023-10-14. Retrieved 2023-10-06.
  15. ^ Heilmann, Sebastian; Perry, Elizabeth J. (2011). "Embracing Uncertainty: Guerrilla Policy Style and Adaptive Governance in China". Mao's Invisible Hand. pp. 1–29. doi:10.1163/9781684171163_002. ISBN 978-1-68417-116-3.
  16. ^ Yu, Hong (2 January 2014). "The Ascendency of State-owned Enterprises in China: development, controversy and problems". Journal of Contemporary China. 23 (85): 161–182. doi:10.1080/10670564.2013.809990. S2CID 154905365.
  17. ^ Jin, Xiankun; Xu, Liping; Xin, Yu; Adhikari, Ajay (June 2022). "Political governance in China's state-owned enterprises". China Journal of Accounting Research. 15 (2): 100236. doi:10.1016/j.cjar.2022.100236. S2CID 248617625.
  18. ^ Haas, Mark L. (2 October 2022). "The Ideology Barriers to Anti-China Coalitions". The Washington Quarterly. 45 (4): 113–132. doi:10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149950. S2CID 254735997.
  19. ^ a b Crean, Jeffrey (2024). The Fear of Chinese Power: an International History. New Approaches to International History series. London, UK: Bloomsbury Academic. p. 162. ISBN 978-1-350-23394-2.
  20. ^ Poh, Angela; Li, Mingjiang (4 May 2017). "A China in Transition: The Rhetoric and Substance of Chinese Foreign Policy under Xi Jinping". Asian Security. 13 (2): 84–97. doi:10.1080/14799855.2017.1286163. S2CID 151398216.
  21. ^ Li, Rex (2016). "China's Sea Power Aspirations and Strategic Behaviour in the South China Sea from the Theoretical Perspective of Identity Construction". Power Politics in Asia's Contested Waters. Global Power Shift. pp. 117–137. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-26152-2_6. ISBN 978-3-319-26150-8.
  22. ^ Chang-Liao, Nien-chung (3 May 2016). "China's New Foreign Policy under Xi Jinping". Asian Security. 12 (2): 82–91. doi:10.1080/14799855.2016.1183195. S2CID 148264920.
  23. ^ Sutter, Robert G. (2012). Chinese Foreign Relations: Power and Policy Since the Cold War. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1-4422-1135-3.[page needed]
  24. ^ Jin, Zhe (2021-04-21). "中国对外威胁增加 西方加强应对" [China's External Threats Increase and the West Strengthens Response]. Archived from the original on 2021-04-21. Retrieved 2023-09-30.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  25. ^ Zhang, Ming (September 2009). "China's New International Financial Strategy amid the Global Financial Crisis". China & World Economy. 17 (5): 22–35. doi:10.1111/j.1749-124X.2009.01164.x. S2CID 154373945.
  26. ^ "Why Europe will have to face the true cost of being in debt to China". BBC News. 2022-05-02. Archived from the original on 2023-10-14. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  27. ^ Sautman, Barry; Hairong, Yan (December 2007). "Friends and Interests: China's Distinctive Links with Africa". African Studies Review. 50 (3): 75–114. doi:10.1353/arw.2008.0014. JSTOR 27667241. S2CID 132593326.
  28. ^ "为何西方如此紧张中非合作？中国是"新殖民主义"？听听这位知名人士怎么说--国际--人民网". world.people.com.cn. Archived from the original on 2023-10-14. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  29. ^ Leng, Tse-Kang (1998). "Dynamics of Taiwan-Mainland China Economic Relations: The Role of Private Firms". Asian Survey. 38 (5): 494–509. doi:10.2307/2645505. JSTOR 2645505. S2CID 153666266.
  30. ^ Du, Yihuan (2015-06-04). "紅色供應鏈真的打趴台灣出口？" [Does the red supply chain really dominate Taiwan's exports?]. Commonwealth Magazine. Archived from the original on 2023-12-19. Retrieved 2023-09-30.
  31. ^ Chen, Xiafei; Liu, Zhiying; Zhu, Qingyuan (June 2018). "Performance evaluation of China's high-tech innovation process: Analysis based on the innovation value chain". Technovation. 74–75: 42–53. doi:10.1016/j.technovation.2018.02.009. S2CID 158255369.
  32. ^ Brown, Lester Russell (1995). Who Will Feed China?: Wake-up Call for a Small Planet. W.W. Norton. ISBN 978-0-393-03897-2.[page needed]
  33. ^ Barr, Terry N. (4 December 1981). "The World Food Situation and Global Grain Prospects". Science. 214 (4525): 1087–1095. Bibcode:1981Sci...214.1087B. doi:10.1126/science.7302579. PMID 7302579.
  34. ^ "2022世界糧食危機：氣候變遷、國際衝突、糧食分配不均，衝擊全球糧食價格" [2022 World Food Crisis: Climate Change, International Conflict, Uneven Food Distribution, Impact on Global Food Prices]. Greenpeace 綠色和平 | 臺灣 (in Chinese (Taiwan)). 2022-08-18. Archived from the original on 2023-10-14. Retrieved 2023-09-30.
  35. ^ Homer-Dixon, Thomas F. (1991). "On the Threshold: Environmental Changes as Causes of Acute Conflict". International Security. 16 (2): 76–116. doi:10.2307/2539061. JSTOR 2539061. Project MUSE 447281.
  36. ^ Sun, Xiuping; Qing, Mu; Xin, Bin. "2019年中国国防预算公布：比去年增速下降，仍为个位数_发展" [2019 China National Defense Budget Announcement: Growth Rate Decreased from Last Year, Still in Single Digits_ develop]. www.sohu.com. Retrieved 2023-09-30.[permanent dead link‍]
  37. ^ Chen, Sean; Feffer, John (2009). "China's Military Spending: Soft Rise or Hard Threat?". Asian Perspective. 33 (4): 47–67. doi:10.1353/apr.2009.0002. JSTOR 42704692. S2CID 152740822.
  38. ^ Beaver, Peter Robertson, Wilson (2023-09-19). "China's Defense Budget Is Much Bigger Than It Looks". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 2023-10-03. Retrieved 2023-10-08.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  39. ^ "中国军费开支咄咄逼人 挑战美国？". Radio Free Asia (in Chinese (China)). Archived from the original on 2023-11-27. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  40. ^ Christensen, Thomas J. (April 2001). "Posing Problems Without Catching Up: China's Rise and Challenges for U.S. Security Policy". International Security. 25 (4): 5–40. doi:10.1162/01622880151091880. JSTOR 3092132. S2CID 57567681.
  41. ^ "SIPRI Military Expenditure Database | SIPRI". www.sipri.org. Archived from the original on 2019-05-02. Retrieved 2023-09-30.
  42. ^ Pan, Zhongqi (21 June 2007). "Sino-Japanese Dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands: The Pending Controversy from the Chinese Perspective". Journal of Chinese Political Science. 12 (1): 71–92. doi:10.1007/s11366-007-9002-6. S2CID 153668477.
  43. ^ Wiegand, Krista E. (5 June 2009). "China's Strategy in the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands Dispute: Issue Linkage and Coercive Diplomacy". Asian Security. 5 (2): 170–193. doi:10.1080/14799850902886617. S2CID 154010520.
  44. ^ Cho, Hyun Joo; Choi, Ajin (August 2016). "Why do Territorial Disputes Escalate? A Domestic Political Explanation for the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands Dispute". Pacific Focus. 31 (2): 254–282. doi:10.1111/pafo.12073.
  45. ^ "總統出席「與德國柏林視訊會議」" [The President Attends the "Video Conference with Berlin, Germany"]. www.president.gov.tw (in Chinese (Taiwan)). Archived from the original on 2020-11-04. Retrieved 2023-09-30.
  46. ^ Zhao, Suisheng (1999). Across the Taiwan Strait: Mainland China, Taiwan, and the 1995–1996 Crisis. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-92333-0.[page needed]
  47. ^ "總統參加國際獅子會中華民國總會會員代表大會" [The President Attends the Representative Assembly of Lions Club Members of the Republic of China Federation]. www.president.gov.tw (in Chinese (Taiwan)). Archived from the original on 2018-05-10. Retrieved 2023-09-30.
  48. ^ 國家發展委員會檔案管理局 (2014-01-01). "終止動員戡亂時期" [Termination of Mobilization and Suppression of Rebellion Period]. 國家發展委員會檔案管理局-檔案支援教學網. Archived from the original on 2019-05-01. Retrieved 2023-09-30.
  49. ^ Ogden, Thomas M (2010). Strategic ambiguity: Thoughtful engagement or a reckless gamble? The factors of the 1995–96 Taiwan strait crisis (Thesis). ProQuest 818725707.[page needed]
  50. ^ Zhao, Suisheng (1999). Across the Taiwan Strait: Mainland China, Taiwan, and the 1995–1996 Crisis. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-92333-0.[page needed]
  51. ^ a b Liao, Da-Chi; Chen, Boyu; Huang, Chi-chen (December 2013). "The Decline of 'Chinese Identity' in Taiwan?! — An Analysis of Survey Data from 1992 to 2012". East Asia. 30 (4): 273–290. doi:10.1007/s12140-013-9198-3. S2CID 255516463.
  52. ^ 國際化,雙語編排,文化整合,全球華人的雜誌, 台灣光華雜誌 Taiwan Panorama |. "Smoke Screen—The Qiandao Lake Tragedy and Coverup – 台灣光華雜誌". 台灣光華雜誌 Taiwan Panorama | 國際化,雙語編排,文化整合,全球華人的雜誌 (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 2023-12-19. Retrieved 2023-10-08.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  53. ^ Robinson, Thomas W. (December 1996). "America in Taiwan' Post Cold-War Foreign Relations". The China Quarterly. 148 (148): 1340–1361. doi:10.1017/S0305741000050657. JSTOR 655527. S2CID 154146825.
  54. ^ Fernandes, Clinton (2008). Hot Spot: Asia and Oceania. Bloomsbury Publishing USA. ISBN 978-0-313-35413-7.[page needed]
  55. ^ a b Sheu, Jyh-Shyang (19 September 2018). The Stagnant Relations across the Taiwan Strait: A Study on Cross-Strait Political Interactions between 1988 to 2012 (Thesis). Universität Tübingen. doi:10.15496/publikation-25650. hdl:10900/84260.[page needed]
  56. ^ "China: Authorities' broken promises jeopardize Olympic legacy". Amnesty International. 2008-07-28. Archived from the original on 2023-11-27. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  57. ^ Wu, Jaushieh Joseph (2011). "The United States as a Balancer in Cross-Strait Relations, 2000–2008". The Future of United States, China, and Taiwan Relations. pp. 121–147. doi:10.1057/9780230118966_7. ISBN 978-1-349-29471-8.
  58. ^ Kaeding, Malte Philipp (1 September 2015). "Resisting Chinese Influence: Social Movements in Hong Kong and Taiwan". Current History. 114 (773): 210–216. doi:10.1525/curh.2015.114.773.210. ProQuest 1707854750.
  59. ^ Smith, Robert W. (17 August 2010). "Maritime Delimitation in the South China Sea: Potentiality and Challenges". Ocean Development & International Law. 41 (3): 214–236. doi:10.1080/00908320.2010.499315. S2CID 154959504.
  60. ^ Putra, Bama Andika (2021). "Comprehending Brunei Darussalam's vanishing claims in the South China Sea: China's exertion of economic power and the influence of elite perception". Cogent Social Sciences. 7 (1). doi:10.1080/23311886.2020.1858563. S2CID 230540235.
  61. ^ Tian, Yew Lun (2021-04-25). "EU blames China for endangering peace in South China Sea". Reuters. Archived from the original on 2023-11-07. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  62. ^ "Water Wars: Biden Administration Releases New Indo-Pacific Strategy". Default. Archived from the original on 2023-11-27. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  63. ^ Pugliese, Giulio (2023). "The European Union's Security Intervention in the Indo-Pacific: Between Multilateralism and Mercantile Interests". Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding. 17 (1): 76–98. doi:10.1080/17502977.2022.2118425. hdl:1814/75252.
  64. ^ Ross, Robert S.; Jiang, Changbin, eds. (2001). Re-examining the Cold War: U.S.-China Diplomacy, 1954–1973. Vol. 203. Harvard University Asia Center. doi:10.1163/9781684173594. ISBN 978-1-68417-359-4. JSTOR j.ctt1tg5nbr. Project MUSE book 72764.[page needed]
  65. ^ Piao, Long; Wu, Hsin-Che (June 2023). "The Effect of the Chinese Government's Political Propaganda and Individual Characteristics on Anti-US Sentiment". Asian Survey. 63 (3): 381–406. doi:10.1525/as.2023.1808498. S2CID 256480352.
  66. ^ Wu, Yenna (2019). "Recognizing and Resisting China's Evolving Sharp Power". American Journal of Chinese Studies. 26 (2): 129–153. JSTOR 45216268.
  67. ^ Saunders, Phillip C. (December 2005). "Long-term Trends in China-Taiwan Relations: Implications for U.S. Taiwan Policy". Asian Survey. 45 (6): 970–991. doi:10.1525/as.2005.45.6.970.
  68. ^ Liu, Kerry (March 2022). "The Global Times and The China Threat Narrative: An Empirical Analysis". Journal of Chinese Political Science. 27 (1): 1–18. doi:10.1007/s11366-021-09754-3. PMC 8475392. PMID 34602809.
  69. ^ Solberg Søilen, Klaus (2016). "Economic and industrial espionage at the start of the 21st century – Status quaestionis". Journal of Intelligence Studies in Business. 6 (3): 51–64. Archived from the original on 2023-12-19. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  70. ^ Fravel, M. Taylor (2011). "China's Strategy in the South China Sea". Contemporary Southeast Asia. 33 (3): 292–319. doi:10.1355/cs33-3b. JSTOR 41446232. S2CID 155011636.
  71. ^ Huang, Nan (2016-05-10). "陈岳："中国威胁论"与中国和平崛起" [Chen Yue: "China Threat Theory" and China's Peaceful Rise]. Archived from the original on 2016-05-10. Retrieved 2023-09-30.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  72. ^ Choe, Hyun (March 2006). "National Identity and Citizenship in the People's Republic of China and the Republic of Korea". Journal of Historical Sociology. 19 (1): 84–118. doi:10.1111/j.1467-6443.2006.00270.x.
  73. ^ Storey, Ian (2013). "Reflecting Mirrors across the Taiwan Straits: American Perspectives on a China Threat". In Yee, Herbert; Storey, Ian (eds.). China Threat: Perceptions Myths. pp. 81–101. doi:10.4324/9780203060414-11. ISBN 978-0-203-06041-4.
  74. ^ Fell, Dafydd (2018). Government and Politics in Taiwan. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-28506-9.[page needed]
  75. ^ Postiglione, Gerard A.; Tang, James Tuck-Hong (2016). Hong Kong's Reunion with China: The Global Dimensions: The Global Dimensions. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-315-50304-2.[page needed]
  76. ^ Chao, Linda; Myers, Ramon H. (1994). "The First Chinese Democracy: Political Development of the Republic of China on Taiwan, 1986–1994". Asian Survey. 34 (3): 213–230. doi:10.2307/2644981. JSTOR 2644981.
  77. ^ Chou, Yangsun; Nathan, Andrew J. (1987). "Democratizing Transition in Taiwan". Asian Survey. 27 (3): 277–299. doi:10.2307/2644805. JSTOR 2644805. Archived from the original on 2023-12-16. Retrieved 2023-12-19.
  78. ^ Friedman, Edward (2006). China's Rise, Taiwan's Dilemma's and International Peace. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-00340-2.[page needed]
  79. ^ Bush, Richard C. (2005). Untying the Knot: Making Peace in the Taiwan Strait. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-8157-9781-4.[page needed]
  80. ^ "王金平：加强两岸交流与和解 台湾才能更茁壮" [Wang Jinping: Only by strengthening cross-strait exchanges and reconciliation can Taiwan become stronger]. www.chinanews.com.cn. Archived from the original on 2023-11-27. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  81. ^ Szechenyi, Nicholas (September 2006). "A turning point for Japan's self-defense forces". The Washington Quarterly. 29 (4): 139–150. doi:10.1162/wash.2006.29.4.139. S2CID 153456832.
  82. ^ Akaha, Tsuneo (January 1998). "Beyond self-defense: Japan's elusive security role under the new guidelines for US-Japan defense cooperation". The Pacific Review. 11 (4): 461–483. doi:10.1080/09512749808719267.
  83. ^ Mazza, Michael (9 July 2013). Taiwan's Crucial Role in the US Pivot to Asia (Report). American Enterprise Institute. Archived from the original on 16 December 2023. Retrieved 19 December 2023.[unreliable source?]
  84. ^ Krumbein, Frédéric (4 May 2022). "The human rights gap in the Taiwan Strait: how China pushes Taiwan towards the US". The Pacific Review. 35 (3): 383–414. doi:10.1080/09512748.2020.1812699. S2CID 225334021.
  85. ^ Krumbein, Frédéric (9 September 2019). "Human Rights and Democracy in Taiwan's Foreign Policy and Cross-Strait Relations". International Journal of Taiwan Studies. 2 (2): 292–320. doi:10.1163/24688800-00202005. S2CID 203500526.
  86. ^ Cheng, Joseph Y. S. (1999). "China's ASEAN Policy in the 1990s: Pushing for Regional Multipolarity". Contemporary Southeast Asia. 21 (2): 176–204. doi:10.1355/CS21-2B. JSTOR 25798452.
  87. ^ Cheng-Chwee, Kuik (2008). "The Essence of Hedging: Malaysia and Singapore's Response to a Rising China". Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs. 30 (2): 159–185. Project MUSE 256501.
  88. ^ Gelb, Leslie H. (13 November 1991). "Opinion | Foreign Affairs; Breaking China Apart". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 14 October 2023. Retrieved 30 September 2023.
  89. ^ Krauthammer, Charles (31 July 1995). "WHY WE MUST CONTAIN CHINA". Time. Archived from the original on 14 October 2023. Retrieved 30 September 2023.
  90. ^ Kahn, Joseph (15 July 2005). "Chinese General Threatens Use of A-Bombs if U.S. Intrudes". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 13 October 2023. Retrieved 8 October 2023.
  91. ^ Pan, Chengxin (June 2004). "The 'China Threat' in American Self-Imagination: The Discursive Construction of other as Power Politics". Alternatives: Global, Local, Political. 29 (3): 305–331. doi:10.1177/030437540402900304. S2CID 141122799. Gale A123628778.
  92. ^ Kagan, Robert (2008). "NEOCON NATION: Neoconservatism, c. 1776". World Affairs. 170 (4): 13–35. doi:10.3200/WAFS.170.4.13-35. JSTOR 20672819.
  93. ^ Fukuyama, Francis (2004). "The Neoconservative Moment". The National Interest (76): 57–68. JSTOR 42895959.
  94. ^ "习近平十年"大国外交"的梦想与现实". BBC News 中文 (in Simplified Chinese). 2022-10-10. Archived from the original on 2023-11-27. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  95. ^ ""一带一路"对习政权最大的意义是什么？". BBC News 中文 (in Simplified Chinese). Archived from the original on 2020-12-06. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  96. ^ Shambaugh, David L. (2008). China's Communist Party: Atrophy and Adaptation. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-25492-3.[page needed]
  97. ^ Silver, Laura; Devlin, Kat; Huang, Christine (30 July 2020). "Republicans see China more negatively than Democrats, even as criticism rises in both parties". Pew Research Center. Archived from the original on 2023-10-10. Retrieved 2023-10-08.
  98. ^ Robinson, Thomas W.; Shambaugh, David L. (1995). Chinese Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice. Clarendon Press. ISBN 978-0-19-829016-2.[page needed]
  99. ^ Posen, Barry R. (2013). "Pull Back: The Case for a Less Activist Foreign Policy". Foreign Affairs. 92 (1): 116–128. JSTOR 41721009.
  100. ^ "反击日本外相的中国威胁论：到底谁威胁谁-中国威胁论,日本外相,麻生太郎-北方网-新闻中心" [Counterattacking Japan's Foreign Minister's China Threat Theory: Who Threatens Who – China Threat Theory, Japan's Foreign Minister, Taro Aso – Northern Network – News Center]. news.enorth.com.cn. Archived from the original on 2023-11-27. Retrieved 2023-10-13.
  101. ^ McCurry, Justin (17 December 2013). "Japan increases defence budget amid tensions with China". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 27 November 2023. Retrieved 13 October 2023.
  102. ^ "Spotlight: Top UK military brass mired in Japan's anti-China propaganda scandal: report – Xinhua | English.news.cn". www.xinhuanet.com. Archived from the original on 2023-11-27. Retrieved 2023-10-13.
  103. ^ Zhang, Zhengqi (2017-02-07). "英媒披露海军上将涉日本收买英国智库抹黑中国--国际--人民网" [British media revealed that the admiral was involved in Japan's bribery of British think tanks to smear China]. world.people.com.cn. Archived from the original on 2023-11-04. Retrieved 2023-11-04.
  104. ^ Zhou, Yuanfang (2017-02-08). "日本记者："不在稿子里加入批判中国的评论，稿子就通不过"". www.guancha.cn. Archived from the original on 2023-10-28. Retrieved 2023-10-28.
  105. ^ Garver, John W. (October 2002). "The security dilemma in Sino-Indian relations". India Review. 1 (4): 1–38. doi:10.1080/14736480208404640. S2CID 154996267.
  106. ^ Burns, John F. (5 May 1998). "India's New Defense Chief Sees Chinese Military Threat". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 28 October 2023. Retrieved 28 October 2023.
  107. ^ "Doklam: When George Fernandes called China as threat no. 1 and how he stood vindicated". India Today. 20 July 2017. Archived from the original on 2023-10-28. Retrieved 2023-10-28.
  108. ^ G, C. (2021-04-19). "The Challenge of a Two-Front War: India's China-Pakistan Dilemma • Stimson Center". Stimson Center. Archived from the original on 2023-04-18. Retrieved 2023-10-28.
  109. ^ Arnett, Eric H. (1997). Military Capacity and the Risk of War: China, India, Pakistan, and Iran. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-829281-4.[page needed]
  110. ^ Armstrong, David (1984). "The Soviet Union". Chinese Defence Policy. pp. 180–195. doi:10.1007/978-1-349-06791-6_12. ISBN 978-1-349-06793-0.
  111. ^ Ryan, Mark A.; Finkelstein, David M.; McDevitt, Michael A.; Corporation, C. N. A. (2016). Chinese Warfighting: The PLA Experience since 1949: The PLA Experience since 1949. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-94250-3.[page needed]
  112. ^ Robinson, Thomas W. (December 1972). "The Sino-Soviet Border Dispute: Background, Development, and the March 1969 Clashes". American Political Science Review. 66 (4): 1175–1202. doi:10.2307/1957173. JSTOR 1957173. S2CID 147383804.
  113. ^ Lukin, Alexander (2013). "Russian Perceptions of the China Threat". In Yee, Herbert; Storey, Ian (eds.). China Threat: Perceptions Myths. doi:10.4324/9780203060414. ISBN 978-1-136-00478-0. Archived from the original on 2023-12-16. Retrieved 2023-12-19.
  114. ^ McNeal, Robert H. (1972). "Review of Let History Judge. The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism". The Russian Review. 31 (2): 179–181. doi:10.2307/128210. JSTOR 128210.
  115. ^ Medvedev, Roy (29 March 2005). "Stalin Lives | by Roy Medvedev". Project Syndicate.
  116. ^ Li, Hua-Yu (2010). China Learns from the Soviet Union, 1949–Present. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-7391-4224-0.[page needed]
  117. ^ "2022年4月11日外交部发言人赵立坚主持例行记者会" [On April 11, 2022, Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Zhao Lijian hosted a regular press conference]. il.china-embassy.gov.cn. 2022-04-11. Archived from the original on 2023-10-28. Retrieved 2023-10-28.
  118. ^ "美国对华认知中的谬误和事实真相_中华人民共和国外交部" [Fallacies and the truth in America’s perception of China]. www.mfa.gov.cn. 2022-06-19. Archived from the original on 2023-10-28. Retrieved 2023-10-28.
  119. ^ "江泽民反对'中国威胁论'" [Jiang Zemin refutes 'Chinese threat theory']. 1993-06-17. Archived from the original on 2023-12-19. Retrieved 2023-11-04.
  120. ^ Brands, Hal (2018). "The Chinese Century?". The National Interest (154): 35–45. JSTOR 26557452.
  121. ^ Roy, Denny (1994). "Hegemon on the Horizon? China's Threat to East Asian Security". International Security. 19 (1): 149–168. doi:10.2307/2539151. JSTOR 2539151. S2CID 73665769.
  122. ^ Chan, Steve (2017). "The Power-Transition Discourse and China's Rise". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.561. ISBN 978-0-19-022863-7.
  123. ^ "习近平：应避免陷修昔底德陷阱 霸权不适合中国-新闻中心-北方网" [en:Xi Jinping: We should avoid falling into Thucydides’ trap, hegemony is not suitable for China]. news.enorth.com.cn. Archived from the original on 2023-10-28. Retrieved 2023-10-28.
  124. ^ "蒯辙元： 如何化解世界对中国崛起的恐惧--蒯辙元--凤凰网博客" [Kuai Cheyuan: How to resolve the world’s fear of China’s rise]. 2011-02-09. Archived from the original on 2016-03-05. Retrieved 2023-10-28.
  125. ^ "英媒：日本資助英國智庫展開反華公關宣傳" [British media: Japan funds British think tanks to launch anti-China public relations propaganda]. BBC News 中文 (in Traditional Chinese). 2017-01-29. Archived from the original on 2023-10-28. Retrieved 2023-10-28.

Further reading

edit
Retrieved from "https://en.wiki.x.io/w/index.php?title=China_threat_theory&oldid=1263494427"