Wikipedia

Young Egypt Party (1933)

The Young Egypt Party (Arabic: حزب مصر الفتاة, Masr El-Fatah) also known as the Green Shirts (Arabic: القمصان الخضراء, el-Komsan el-Khadra) was a fascist[4] Egyptian nationalist political party. It is notable for counting a young Anwar Sadat as a member.

Young Egypt Party
حزب مصر الفتاة
ChairpersonAhmed Hussein
FoundedOctober 1933 (1933-10) (as organization)
1936 (as political party)
Dissolved1953 (1953)
Preceded byMashrue al-Qarsh
Succeeded byNationalist Islamic Party
HeadquartersCairo
NewspaperAl-Sha'ab
Paramilitary wingGreen Shirts
IdeologyFascism[1][2]
Egyptian ultranationalism[3]
Agrarianism
Anti-colonialism
Anti-capitalism
Anticommunism
Antisemitism
Anti-Masonry
Colours  Green
Anthem"To you Egypt, I'll give my Youth"
Arabic: لك يا مصر شبابي
Party flag

Historical Context

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Map showing the Kingdom of Egypt

Egypt in the 19th century had undergone massive modernization and Westernization, including the construction of the Suez Canal.[5] The Egyptian Khedive Ismail Pasha went so far as to say, "My country is no longer in Africa; we are now part of Europe."[6] However, Egypt accumulated unpayable amount of debt to European creditors, eventually having to create the Caisse de la Dette Publique ("Public Debt Commission") to supervise payments. The growing political influence of the commission angered Ahmed Urabi, an Egyptian officer, who led an uprising against the government. It was during the revolt that the famous nationalist phrase "Egypt for the Egyptians!" was coined.[7] After Egypt's defeat in the 1882 Anglo-Egyptian War, Britain would govern Egypt as a "veiled protectorate", with British officials like Evelyn Baring being the de facto ruler of Egypt.[8]

 
King Fouad I of Egypt with Prime Minister Mostafa el-Nahas during a horse race in 1931

During this time, the Egyptian state was morphed into a de facto British colony. Foreigners in Egypt were not subject to Egyptian law, but a separate legal system called the Capitulations.[9][10] During this time, a new generation of Egyptian nationalists, such as Muhammad Farid and Mustafa Kamil, organized the new liberal nationalist movement in Egypt. A new generation of variably-educated modern Egyptian nationalists, called the effendi, became emerged as the new social class to march Egypt in the modern world.[11] During the 1919 Egyptian revolution, Egyptian nationalists formed the Wafd Party, a liberal nationalist party that dominated post-1923 constitution Kingdom of Egypt.[12][13] Major cities like Alexandria and Cairo experienced a major explosion in progressive art and values.[14] Art decos, dancers, movies and nightclubs were established.[15] Women activists like Rose al Yusuf, Safiya Zaghloul, Nabawiyya Musa, Saiza Nabarawi and Doria Shafik fought for women's rights in the socially conservative environment of Egypt. As an example, the Egyptian Feminist Union was founded by Huda Sha'arawi in 1923.[16] Alexanderia and Cairo had large populations of French, Greeks and Italians who contributed to the cosmopolitan atmosphere and culture of the big cities.[17]

However, the new constitution did not turn Egypt into a completely independent nation. The Unilateral Declaration of Egyptian Independence gave Britain several special legal rights in Egypt, including the right to station troops in Egypt, the right to govern the Sudan, and the right to the Suez Canal. Britain was still the real power behind the throne. Politically, Egypt was divided between the conservative palace led by the king and his allies and the liberal nationalists led by the Wafd and their allies, with the British acting as the tie breaker. Political parties at the time were not organizations separated by ideology, but political cliques set run by members of the political elite.[18][19] As the Egyptian writer Tawfiq al-Hakim, said:

"In Egypt there is no party in the true sense of the word, a party as the word is understood and used in genuine democratic regimes. Rather, in Egypt there are separatist factions called parties. None of these factions has a goal other than dividing up the seats in parliament, obtaining government office, and managing election campaigns through passing out ballots. But as for any program, none of them even thinks about it!"[20]

The situation in the early 1930s

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The 1929 Great Depression revealed the stark economic disparities between the peasants, the majority underbelly of Egyptian society, and the well-off land-owning elite, motivating social unrest in Egypt.[21]

 
Protesters demanding the retraction of the Constitution of 1930

In 1930, prime minister Ismail Sidqi formed his cabinet. His first major change was the creation of a new constitution, which granted the executive – the King – more powers over the democratically elected parliament. The king had the sole power to propose financial bills, had the power to appoint three-fifths – the majority – of the Senate, and had the power to appoint the leaders of major religious institutions such as the Shiekh of al-Azhar, while the parliament was weaken, such as the lowering of a minimum of parliamentary session to five months instead of six, and the requiring of an absolute majority for ten days for a no-confidence vote to be passed.[22] Opponents of Sidqi, the Wafdist Mustofa el-Nahhas and the Liberal Constitutionalist Muhammed Mahmud, were vehemently opposed to the new constitution, organizing protests against this move. The British backed the 1930 constitution, believing that the re-instatement of the 1923 constitution would bring the Wafd back into power. During the 1935-36 protests in Egypt, the opposition agreed to enter negotiations with Britain, specifically regarding the lack of an Egyptian military, British troop presence, and the Mixed Courts. On 12 December 1935, the new government ledt by Mohammed Nasim reinstated the 1923 Constitution.[23]

It was during this time in the early 1930s that the local youth leaders organized nationalist outbursts against foreign domination. Local Wafdists demanded the boycott of British good and the encouragement of local industry. On 3 March 1931, a manifesto was published arguing for local industrialists to product Egyptian made products. In 1930, Salama Musa formed the "Society of the Egyptians for Egypt", urging Egyptians to buy Egyptian made products for a re-awakening of the nation's economic consciousness.[24]

History of the Party

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Beginning of the Party

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Poster about the Egyptian Fez Factory Project

In late 1931, a committee of students headed by Ahmad Hussein formed the Piastre Plan, which was a drive to raise funds for developing Egyptian industry, using the funds to establish a local fez factory.[25][26] This was after discovering that the famous Egyptian headdress was produced in a foreign country. Hussein had been a supporter of the Liberal Constitutional Party's leader Muhammed Mahmud Pasha during his last year in secondary school.[27] One of the principles of the party was buying only Egyptian-made products.[28] The party was formed on 12 October 1933 as a nationalist party with "religious elements," by Ahmed Hussein. Its aim was to pursue a more nationalist anti-British policy than the established Egyptian parties. Its name was similar to the nationalist Young Italy and Young Turks parties.[29] Young Egypt emerged as a student organization that existed outside of the control of the traditional Egyptian parties.[30]

 
Ahmed Hussein during the inauguration of Young Egypt in 1933.

Involvement in Egyptian politics

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On 5 December 1935, the party founders Ahmed Hussein and Fathi Radwan left Egypt for Great Britain, where they met with British politicians, spreading the message of Egypt's case against Great Britain, later returning to Egypt as heroes.[31] Young Egypt played a major role in the 1935-36 Egyptian protests.[26] It was during this time that future Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser joined these protests, though whether he was a formal member is debated among historians.[32][33][34] Members mostly engaged in street demonstrations, with the most committed wearing a green shirt, the party uniform.[35][36]

The paper – Al-Sarkha – would publish letters to officials and collect signatures in petitions for publicity. In late 1933 Hussein sent an open letter to the British Prime Minister demanding the complete independence of Egypt and the removal of British troops from Egypt and the Sudan; in 1934 Young Egypt collected signatures for a petition to the king demanding the abolition of the Capitulation system and the Mixed Courts of Egypt.[37]

 
Green Shirts of Young Egypt party, including future Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser, in the 1930s.

One of the main issues of the time was to settle the exact relationship between Egypt and Britain, especially regarding the Mixed Courts, the Suez Canal and the stationing of British troops in Egypt. The nationalist slogan had long been "No Negotiation Except After Evacuation!", so when the Wafd Party agreed to seek a compromise with Britain, Hussein wrote "There is no way for us to achieve all except by means of force, physical force".[38] Young Egypt opposed the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936, because it allowed British troops to be stationed in Egypt for 20 years, in effect legitimizing British domination over Egypt.[39][40] During the Montreux negotiations of 1937 for the abolition of the capitulatory system in Egypt, Hussein wrote:

"If he [Nahas] had a spark of patriotism, he would prefer to remain in his own house, strong, and to invite the foreigners to come to him. The Capitulations must be abolished. The Mixed Courts must be abolished. But their abolition should occur in Egypt, not in Switzerland, because Egypt is the competent authority, the deciding element, the master in its own house."[41]

 
Blue Shirts. Mohammed Bilal and Mustafa al-Nahas (Wafd party).
 
Muhummad Bilal and the Wafd's Blue Shirts.
 
Blue Shirts (Wafd party) Abdeen Palace Parade 1936.

The Wafd Party, the mainstream liberal party, viewed Young Egypt with suspicion, believing it to be controlled opposition sponsored by the king. After the Wafd's victory in the 1936 elections, the Wafdist leader Mostafa el-Nahas accused Young Egypt with collaborating with a foreign power, implying Italy.[42] This incited a series of street battles between the Green Shirts and the Blue Shirts – the Blue Shirts being the Wafdist youth branch.[43] Frequent clashes took place between the Green Shirts of Young Egypt and the Blue Shirts of the Wafd, culminating in an unsuccessful attempt on the life of el-Nahas by a member of Young Egypt on 28 November 1937.[44][45] While there are similarities between the Green Shirts and the fascist paramilitaries of the Italian Black Shirts and Nazi Brown Shirts, a key distinction is that Young Egypt's fighters were college students fighting with clubs and bricks – not demobilized, brutally experienced and disillusioned World War One veterans.[46][47] These "shirt" organizations would participate in marches and street brawls. After numerous incidents of violence between militant students, Egypt banned paramilitary organizations in March 1938.[48]

Despite being formally founded as a party in 1936, Young Egypt never sent representatives to the Egyptian parliament. Until its wartime ban in 1941, the only parliamentary election it could have participated in was in 1938, however none of its members met the minimum age of 30 to run for office.[49] Young Egypt claimed to have almost 2,000 members, though the historian James Jankowski claims that the true number was around one thousand at its peak.[50] It was around this time that Young Egypt began to decline, due to the Wafdist government ordering crackdowns such as preventing meetings and issues fines and arrests for members, ironically under the government of Muhammed Mahmud Pasha, whom Hussein had supported before founding Young Egypt.[51]

 
Al-Ishtrakeyia Journal (Young Egypt party).

The group was renamed the Nationalist Islamic Party in 1940, when it took on a more religious, as well as anti-British tone. After the war it was renamed yet again, now the Socialist Party of Egypt. The group's one electoral success came when it sent Ibrahim Shukri, its vice-president, to parliament in 1951. However, it was disbanded, along with all other parties, in 1953 following the 1952 military coup d'état.[52]

After political parties were allowed again in Egypt, Ibrahim Shoukry formed a group, the Socialist Labor Party in 1978, which despite its name look much like the social nationalistic ideology of Young Egypt. It consists of members from different economic and social levels.

Ideology

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Young Egypt espoused the most extreme Egyptian nationalism of the time, going further than any other existing party. It believed in the complete rejection of foreign influence. One of its Ten Principles was to "cling steadfastly to your nationality, making it an obsession."[53] Ahmed Hussein saw in his vision of Egypt a country that has only been recently held back by foreigners, and that should return to its former glory, saying:

"I will tell you, gentlemen, a reality which I discovered in Europe. It is that most of its peoples are close to the primitive, primal stages of life. The only thing responsible for their progress in life is the great amount of learning which they receive all over Europe. Their knowledge, their character, their virtues, their peculiarities – all of these have been acquired by striving and only by that. This means that if you strip from them this learning and this knowledge which they have won through striving and study, you will find Europeans close to the barbarism of prehistoric times."[54]

Hussein believed that while Europe had abandoned religion for "godless, materialist principles", modern Egypt's religious culture made it superior.[55] This was in stark contrast to the Wafd, who were secularists. Young Egypt railed against foreign-owned factories, "anti-Islamic" entertainment, gambling, cinemas and alcohol.[56] Young Egypt combined the religious values of the Egyptian urban worker with the nationalist values of the modern Egyptian student.

References

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  1. ^ Laqueur, Walter (18 March 2011). "Age Against the Machine". The New Republic.
  2. ^ "Fascism in Interwar Egypt: Islam, Nationalism and Political Modernization". 28 January 2015.
  3. ^ Gershoni & Jankowski 2010, The Young Egypt Movement: An Egyptian Version of Fascism?.
  4. ^ "NASR: PROMISE AND PERFORMANCE (SUMMARY ANALYSIS OF SPEECHES OF NASR AND HIS LIEUTENANTS)" (PDF). cia.gov/readingroom. Archived (PDF) from the original on 1 September 2023.
  5. ^ Hunter, Frederick R. (1999). Egypt under the Khedives, 1805–1879: from household government to modern bureaucracy (1. publ ed.). Cairo: American University in Cairo Press. ISBN 978-977-424-544-2.
  6. ^ Scham, Sandra A. (2013). "The Making and Unmaking of European Cairo". Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies. 1 (4): 313–318. doi:10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.1.4.0313. ISSN 2166-3556.
  7. ^ Schölch, Alexander (1981). Egypt for the Egyptians! the socio-political crisis in Egypt, 1878-1882. St. Antony's Middle East monographs. London: Published for the Middle East Centre, St. Antony's College, Oxford [by] Ithaca Press. p. 126. ISBN 978-0-903729-82-6.
  8. ^ "Veiled Protectorate". {{cite web}}: Missing or empty |url= (help) Britannica |url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Veiled-Protectorate |access-date=2023-09-06 |website=Encyclopædia Britannica |language=en}}
  9. ^ Booth, Marilyn; Gorman, Anthony (2014). The long 1890s in Egypt: colonial quiescence, subterranean resistance. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. p. 41. ISBN 978-0-7486-7012-3. Whether in life or death, British and European nationals were subject to a legal system separate from that of indigenous Egyptians. The Capitulations, the Consular Court system and the subsequent (and coinciding) Mixed Courts system (after 1876) fostered an environment in which 'foreign' nationals were not necessarily subject to Egyptian law."
  10. ^ Brown, Nathan J. (1993). "The Precarious Life and Slow Death of the Mixed Courts of Egypt". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 25 (1): 33–52. doi:10.1017/S0020743800058037. ISSN 0020-7438. JSTOR 164157.
  11. ^ Ryzova, Lucie (2014). The age of the efendiyya: passages to modernity in national-colonial Egypt. Oxford historical monographs. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-968177-8.
  12. ^ Terry, Janice J. (1982). The Wafd 1919-1952, a cornerstone of Egyptian political power. Third World Centre for Research and Publication, London (1st ed.). London: Third World Centre for Research and Publication. ISBN 978-0-86199-000-9.
  13. ^ Ramdani, Nabila (2016). The rise of the Egyptian nationalist movement: the case of the 1919 Revolution (mphil thesis). London School of Economics and Political Science.
  14. ^ Cormack, Raphael (2021). Midnight in Cairo: the divas of Egypt's roaring 20s. New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-54113-7.
  15. ^ "A look back at Egypt's roaring '20s". Enterprise. Retrieved 24 September 2023.
  16. ^ Sullivan, Earl L. (1986). Women in Egyptian public life. Contemporary issues in the Middle East. Syracuse, N.Y: Syracuse University Press. ISBN 978-0-8156-2354-0.
  17. ^ Abdulhaq, Najat (2016). Jewish and Greek communities in Egypt: entrepreneurship and business before Nasser. Library of Middle East history. London (GB): I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-78453-251-2.
  18. ^ Botman, Selma (1991). Egypt from independence to revolution, 1919-1952. Contemporary issues in the Middle East. Syracuse, N.Y: Syracuse University Press. ISBN 978-0-8156-2530-8. The political parties that stood as rivals of the Wafd were often called minority parties, since they customarily had little support among the people and were essentially founded as vehicles through which leading politicians could be elected to Parliament. Often little more than splinter groups of the Wafd, they were characteristically set up in response to the Wafd after important members were expelled or chose to leave because of personal or ideological conflicts.
  19. ^ Gorman, Anthony (2003). "The Mutamassirun". Historians, state and politics in twentieth century Egypt: contesting the nation. London New York: RoutledgeCurzon, Taylor & Francis Group. ISBN 978-0-415-29753-0.
  20. ^ Jankowski & Gershoni 1995, p. 4-5.
  21. ^ Deeb 1979, p. 221-237.
  22. ^ Deeb 1979, pp. 241–242.
  23. ^ Deeb 1979, pp. 221–237.
  24. ^ Deeb 1979, p. 260-262.
  25. ^ Jankowski 1975, pp. 11–12.
  26. ^ a b Abdalla 1985, p. 52.
  27. ^ Jankowski 1975, pp. 9–10.
  28. ^ Jankowski & Gershoni 1995, pp. 18–19"One of the Ten Principles drafted for the guidance of Young Egypt's followers in 1933 called on them "'to buy only from Egyptians, to wear only what is made in Egypt, and to eat only Egyptian foods"; another instructed them "'to scorn anything which is foreign, each one of you, and to cling steadfastly to your nationality, making it an obsession."'"
  29. ^ ""مصر الفتاة": الوطنية بثوبها الاستبدادي". hafryat.com (in Arabic). Retrieved 22 January 2022.
  30. ^ Abdalla 1985, p. 44.
  31. ^ Jankowski 1975, p. 22.
  32. ^ Gordon, Joel (2006). Nasser: hero of the Arab nation. Makers of the Muslim world. Oxford: Oneworld Publ. p. 16. ISBN 978-1-85168-411-3. There is no indication that he joined the ranks of the green shirts, the mujahidin (fighters), but he may well have attended Young Egypt rallies, read the movement's publications and contributed a few coins to its "piaster plan" to help finance local industrial projects.
  33. ^ Aburish, Saïd K. (2004). Nasser: the last Arab (1st ed.). New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. Martin's Press. p. 22. ISBN 978-0-312-28683-5. Whether or not he joined the party cannot be verified and is not important except to denote a restless state of mind. There isn't even a hint that he ever acted on orders from the party, nor was its fiery leader, the uneducated rabble-rouser Ahmed Hussein, his type of man.
  34. ^ Vatikiotis 1978, p. 44. "In his speech to the opening session of the National Assembly on 22 July 1957, Nasser himself said: "During the formative years . . . I was interested in all the political parties which aimed to restore to the Egyptian people its freedom, I Joined the Young Egypt Society but I left it after I discovered that despite its message it would not achieve anything concrete.""
  35. ^ Jankowski 1975, pp. 17–21.
  36. ^ Jankowski 1970, p. 77-95.
  37. ^ Jankowski 1967, p. 33.
  38. ^ Jankowski 1967, p. 48.
  39. ^ Jankowski 1967, p. 110.
  40. ^ Jankowski 1975, p. 20.
  41. ^ Jankowski 1975, pp. 50–51.
  42. ^ Jankowski 1975, p. 24.
  43. ^ Jankowski 1970.
  44. ^ Deeb 1979, p. 376.
  45. ^ Jankowski 1967, p. 134.
  46. ^ Gershoni & Jankowski 2010, p. 239 "Largely composed of enthusiastic high school and college students devoid of either previous military experience or lethal armament, the marches and demonstrations conducted by Young Egypt’s Green Shirts were a pale shadow of the urban disruption and savaging of opponents wrought by the militants of contemporary European fascist movements. Compared to the systematic violence and brutality practiced by Fascist squadristi or by the SA paramilitary auxiliary of the Nazis, Young Egypt was playacting at paramilitarism.".
  47. ^ Jankowski 1970, p. 84"By contemporary American standards of urban violence, the armament employed by both groups of militant youth was minimal; clubs and infrequently knives as hand-weapons, with bricks and stones as missiles. Loss of life was infrequent, but bruises abundant."
  48. ^ Jankowski 1970, p. 81.
  49. ^ Jankowski 1975, p. 28.
  50. ^ Jankowski 1975, p. 31"In June 1937 the party claimed a membership of 1536 mujahids in Cairo alone, 384 in Alexandria, "approximately the same number" in Lower Egypt, and gave no membership figures for Upper Egypt. Interviews with former party leaders indicate that these claims were inflated, the estimates of those leaders pointing to a core membership of perhaps one thousand dues-paying activists at the movement's peak in 1937-1938. Ahmad Husayn calculated that a figure of 500 active members for Cairo (always the heart of the movement) "would be exaggerated." Fathi Radwan's recollection was that the movement's active membership in the 1930's "never exceeded one thousand in all Egypt in any one year." A former journalist for Jaridah Misr al-Fatah gave the following estimates for the movement at its peak; "not more than 300 members" in Cairo, perhaps another 200 in Alexandria, with the size of provincial branches varying widely."
  51. ^ Jankowski 1975, p. 41-43.
  52. ^ "Military seizes power in Egypt".
  53. ^ Jankowski & Gershoni 1995, p. 69.
  54. ^ Jankowski 1975, p. 51-52.
  55. ^ Jankowski 1975, p. 49.
  56. ^ Jankowski 1967, p. 34.

Sources

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Further reading

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  • Tachau, Frank (1994). Political Parties of the Middle East and North Africa (1st ed.). Greenwood. ISBN 978-0313266492.
  • Vatikiotis, P.J. (1978). Nasser and his Generation. Billing & Sons Ltd, Guildford, London and Worcester. ISBN 9780856644337.
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