Proto-Hmongic or Proto-Miao (Chinese: 原始苗语)[1] is the reconstructed ancestor of the Hmongic languages.
| Proto-Hmongic | |
|---|---|
| Proto-Miao | |
| Reconstruction of | Hmongic languages |
Reconstructed ancestor | |
Reconstructions
editIn China, the first comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Hmongic (Proto-Miao) was undertaken by Wang Fushi (1979).[2] Wang's 1979 manuscript was subsequently revised and published as Wang (1994).[1]
Ratliff (2010) includes reconstructions of Proto-Hmong–Mien, Proto-Hmongic, and Proto-Mienic.[3]
Phonological development
editRimes
editBelow are some rime mergers in Proto-Hmongic, in which the first part of the Proto-Hmong-Mien rime is preserved.[3]
| Proto-Hmong-Mien | Proto-Hmongic |
|---|---|
| *ɛj, *u̯̯ɛj | *u̯ɛ |
| *ei, *æi, *u̯ei, *u̯əi | *u̯ei |
| *əj, *aj, *u̯əj | *u̯a |
| *i, *i̯æn, *i̯əu, *i̯ɛk | *i |
| *ɨ, *i̯eu, *eu, *ik, *ek | *ɨ |
| *æu, *əu, *au, *ɔu | *æw |
| *uj, *up, *ut, *uk, *u̯ɛt, *u̯ɛk | *uw |
| *e, *ej, *ep, *et | *e |
On the other hand, Proto-Hmongic retains some Proto-Hmong-Mien rime distinctions, whereas Proto-Mienic has merged the rimes.[3]
| Proto-Hmong-Mien | Proto-Hmongic | Proto-Mienic |
|---|---|---|
| *u̯ɛ | *ɛj | *ai |
| *u̯a | *aj | *ai |
| *i | *i̯æn | *æn |
| *æn | *æn | *æn |
| *æw | *əu | *əu |
| *o | *əw | *əu |
| *æw | *au | *au |
| *æ | *æw | *au |
| *æw | *uw | *u |
| *o | *u̯o | *u |
| *u | *u | *u |
| *uw | *ut | *ut |
| *ow | *əut | *ut |
| *uw | *uk | *ok |
| *ow | *ok | *ok |
| *in | *i̯əŋ | *i̯əŋ |
| *aŋ | *i̯aŋ | *i̯əŋ |
| *en | *eŋ | *eŋ |
| *ɔŋ | *u̯eŋ | *eŋ |
| *əŋ | *əŋ | *u̯əŋ |
| *ɔŋ | *u̯ɔŋ | *u̯əŋ |
| *əŋ | *əuŋ | *uŋ |
| *oŋ | *uŋ | *uŋ |
| *əŋ | *əaŋ | *aŋ |
| *aŋ | *aŋ | *aŋ |
| *ɛŋ | *ɛŋ | *əŋ |
| *ɔŋ | *u̯əŋ | *əŋ |
Final stops
editThe Proto-Hmongic tonal category C is derived from Proto-Hmong–Mien final *-k, while tonal category D in Proto-Hmongic is derived from Proto-Hmong–Mien finals *-p and *-t. Below are some examples of Proto-Hmongic tone C corresponding to Proto-Mienic tone D and Proto-Hmong-Mien final *-k.[3]
| Gloss | Proto-Hmong-Mien | Proto-Hmongic | Proto-Mienic |
|---|---|---|---|
| bird | *m-nɔk | *m-nɔŋC | *nɔkD |
| guest (MC khæk 客) | *Khæk | *qhæC | *khækD |
| hundred (MC pæk 百) | *pæk | *pæC | *pækD |
| strength (OC *kə.rək 力) | *-rək | *-roC | *khləkD |
| six (PTB *k-ruk) | *kruk | *kruwC | *krokD |
Although Proto-Hmongic does not have explicitly reconstructed final stops (i.e., *-p, *-t, *-k), Pa-Hng and Qo Xiong have vowel quality distinctions that correspond to whether the Proto-Hmong-Mien rime was open or closed. For example:[3]
| Proto-Hmong-Mien | Pa-Hng (Baiyun) | Qo Xiong (Jiwei) |
|---|---|---|
| *at | e, i | ei, i |
| *a | a | ɑ |
| *əp, *ət, *u̯ət | a | |
| *o, *u̯o, *əw, *i̯ou | o |
Qo Xiong has -u for words developed from Proto-Hmong-Mien forms with closed rimes, while Qo Xiong words developed from Proto-Hmong-Mien forms with open rimes have -ə.[3]
| Proto-Hmong-Mien | Qo Xiong |
|---|---|
| tone 7 (< *-p, *-t, *-k) | u |
| tones 1; 3, 4 (< *-X); 5, 6 (< *-H) | ə |
Final nasals
editRatliff (2010) reconstructions only one final nasal for Proto-Hmongic. *-n/*-ŋ are in complementary distribution with each other, with *-n occurring after front vowels. Other than as *-ŋ, the Proto-Hmongic final nasal can alternatively be reconstructed as a single *-N.[3]
Taguchi (2022) proposes that nasal codas in open rimes in Proto-Hmongic are historically derived from nasal initial consonants.[4]
Proposed onset velarization
editOstapirat (2016) proposes velarized initials in Proto-Hmongic, which are not reconstructed by Ratliff (2010) and others. Qo Xiong retains distinct initial reflexes for forms developed from Proto-Hmongic *m.l-[a] (> Qo Xiong n-) versus *m.lˠ- (> Qo Xiong mj-).[5]
| Gloss | Proto-Hmongic | Qo Xiong (Jiwei) | Hmu (Yanghao) | Mashan Miao (Zongdi) |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| rice plant | *m.l- | nɯ | na | mplæ |
| glutinous | *m.l- | nu | nə | mplu |
| tongue | *m.lˠ- | mjɑ | ɲi | mple |
| smooth | *m.lˠ- | mjɛ | — | mplein |
Initial velar and uvular consonants
editTaguchi (2023) also suggests that Ratliff's (2010) Proto-Hmongic *k- and *q- are in fact secondary developments from Proto-Hmong–Mien *kr- and *k-, respectively.[6] Ostapirat (2016) also revises Ratliff's uvulars (*q-, etc.) as velars (*k-, etc.).[5]
Irregular correspondences with Proto-Mienic
editSome Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic forms are cognate with each other, but a precise Proto-Hmong-Mien form cannot be easily reconstructed due to mismatches between the tonal categories, rimes, or onsets. Some examples of irregular correspondences between Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic:[3]
| Gloss | Proto-Hmong-Mien | Proto-Hmongic | Proto-Mienic |
|---|---|---|---|
| to eat | – | *nuŋA | *ɲənC |
| finger | – | *ntaB | *ʔdokD |
| crossbow | (*hnək) | *hnænB | *hnəkD |
| 3SG (he/she/it) | *ni̯æn(X) | *niB | *nænA |
| to go | *n-mʉŋ(X) | *n-mʉŋB | *n-mɨŋA |
See also
editNotes
edit- ^ *m.- is a sesquisyllable.
References
edit- ^ a b Wang, Fushi 王輔世. 1994. Miaoyu guyin gouni 苗语古音構擬 / Reconstruction of Proto-Miao Language. Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA) / Ajia Afurika Gengo Bunka Kenkyūjo 國立亞非語言文化硏究所.
- ^ Wang, Fushi. 1979. Miaoyu fangyan sheng yun mu bijiao 苗语方言声韵母比较 [The comparison of the initials and finals of the Miao dialects]. Unpublished manuscript. Beijing.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Ratliff, Martha (2010). Hmong–Mien language history. Canberra, Australia: Pacific Linguistics. hdl:1885/146760. ISBN 978-0-85883-615-0.
- ^ Taguchi, Yoshihisa. (2022) Nasal transfer in Hmongic. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 45/1:72-92.
- ^ a b Ostapirat, Weera. 2016. Issues in the Reconstruction and Affiliation of Proto-Miao-Yao Archived 2019-11-13 at the Wayback Machine. Language and Linguistics 17(1) 133–145. doi:10.1177/1606822X15614522
- ^ Taguchi, Yoshihisa. 2023. Toward a new reconstruction of Proto-Hmong-Mien. 26th Himalayan Languages Symposium, 4-6 September 2023. Paris: INALCO.