The Byzantine Empire, also referred to as the Eastern Roman Empire, was the continuation of the Roman Empire centred in Constantinople during late antiquity and the Middle Ages. The eastern half of the Empire survived the conditions that caused the fall of the West in the 5th century AD, and continued to exist until the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Empire in 1453. During most of its existence, the empire remained the most powerful economic, cultural, and military force in the Mediterranean world. The term "Byzantine Empire" was only coined following the empire's demise; its citizens referred to the polity as the "Roman Empire" and to themselves as "Romans".[a] Due to the imperial seat's move from Rome to Byzantium, the adoption of state Christianity, and the predominance of Greek instead of Latin, modern historians continue to make a distinction between the earlier Roman Empire and the later Byzantine Empire.

Byzantine Empire
330–1453
The empire in 555 under Justinian I, its greatest extent since the fall of the Western Roman Empire, with vassals in pink
The empire in 555 under Justinian I, its greatest extent since the fall of the Western Roman Empire, with vassals in pink
CapitalConstantinople (modern-day Istanbul)
Common languages
Religion
Christianity (official)
Demonym(s)
GovernmentAutocracy
Notable emperors 
• 306–337
Constantine I
• 379–395
Theodosius I
• 408–450
Theodosius II
• 527–565
Justinian I
• 610–641
Heraclius
• 717–741
Leo III
• 976–1025
Basil II
• 1081–1118
Alexios I
• 1143–1180
Manuel I
• 1261–1282
Michael VIII
• 1449–1453
Constantine XI
Historical eraLate antiquity to Late Middle Ages
Population
• 457
16,000,000
• 565
26,000,000
• 775
7,000,000
• 1025
12,000,000
• 1320
2,000,000
CurrencySolidus, denarius, and hyperpyron

During the earlier Pax Romana period, the western parts of the empire became increasingly Latinised, while the eastern parts largely retained their preexisting Hellenistic culture. This created a dichotomy between the Greek East and Latin West. These cultural spheres continued to diverge after Constantine I (r. 324–337) moved the capital to Constantinople and legalised Christianity. Under Theodosius I (r. 379–395), Christianity became the state religion, and other religious practices were proscribed. Greek gradually replaced Latin for official use as Latin fell into disuse.

The empire experienced several cycles of decline and recovery throughout its history, reaching its greatest extent after the fall of the west during the reign of Justinian I (r. 527–565), who briefly reconquered much of Italy and the western Mediterranean coast. The appearance of plague and a devastating war with Persia exhausted the empire's resources; the early Muslim conquests that followed saw the loss of the empire's richest provinces—Egypt and Syria—to the Rashidun Caliphate. In 698, Africa was lost to the Umayyad Caliphate, but the empire subsequently stabilised under the Isaurian dynasty. The empire was able to expand once more under the Macedonian dynasty, experiencing a two-century-long renaissance. This came to an end in 1071, with the defeat by the Seljuk Turks at the Battle of Manzikert. Thereafter, periods of civil war and Seljuk incursion resulted in the loss of most of Asia Minor. The empire recovered during the Komnenian restoration, and Constantinople would remain the largest and wealthiest city in Europe until the 13th century.

The empire was largely dismantled in 1204, following the Sack of Constantinople by Latin armies at the end of the Fourth Crusade; its former territories were then divided into competing Greek rump states and Latin realms. Despite the eventual recovery of Constantinople in 1261, the reconstituted empire would wield only regional power during its final two centuries of existence. Its remaining territories were progressively annexed by the Ottomans in perennial wars fought throughout the 14th and 15th centuries. The fall of Constantinople to the Ottomans in 1453 ultimately brought the empire to an end. Many refugees who had fled the city after its capture settled in Italy and throughout Europe, helping to ignite the Renaissance. The fall of Constantinople is sometimes used to mark the dividing line between the Middle Ages and the early modern period.

Nomenclature

The inhabitants of the empire, now generally termed Byzantines, thought of themselves as Romans (Romaioi). Their Islamic neighbours similarly called their empire the "land of the Romans" (Bilād al-Rūm), but the people of medieval Western Europe preferred to call them "Greeks" (Graeci), due to having a contested legacy to Roman identity and to associate negative connotations from ancient Latin literature.[1] The adjective "Byzantine", which derived from Byzantion (Latinised as Byzantium), the name of the Greek settlement Constantinople was established on, was only used to describe the inhabitants of that city; it did not refer to the empire, which they called Romanía—"Romanland".[2]

After the empire's fall, early modern scholars referred to the empire by many names, including the "Empire of Constantinople", the "Empire of the Greeks", the "Eastern Empire", the "Late Empire", the "Low Empire", and the "Roman Empire".[3] The increasing use of "Byzantine" and "Byzantine Empire" likely started with the 15th-century historian Laonikos Chalkokondyles, whose works were widely propagated, including by Hieronymus Wolf. "Byzantine" was used adjectivally alongside terms such as "Empire of the Greeks" until the 19th century.[4] It is now the primary term, used to refer to all aspects of the empire; some modern historians believe that, as an originally prejudicial and inaccurate term, it should not be used.[5]

History

As the historiographical periodizations of "Roman history", "late antiquity", and "Byzantine history" significantly overlap, there is no consensus on a "foundation date" for the Byzantine Empire, if there was one at all. The growth of the study of "late antiquity" has led to some historians setting a start date in the seventh or eighth centuries.[6] Others believe a "new empire" began during changes in c. 300 AD.[7] Still others hold that these starting points are too early or too late, and instead begin c. 500.[8] Geoffrey Greatrex believes that it is impossible to precisely date the foundation of the Byzantine Empire.[9]

Early history (pre-518)

 
Four-way division of the Roman Empire under the Tetrarchy system established by Diocletian.

In a series of conflicts between the third and first centuries BC, the Roman Republic gradually established hegemony over the eastern Mediterranean, while its government ultimately transformed into the one-person rule of an emperor. The Roman Empire enjoyed a period of relative stability until the third century AD, when a combination of external threats and internal instabilities caused the Roman state to splinter as regional armies acclaimed their generals as "soldier-emperors".[10] One of these, Diocletian (r. 284–305), seeing that the state was too big to be ruled by one man, attempted to fix the problem by instituting a Tetrarchy, or rule of four, and dividing the empire into eastern and western halves. Although the Tetrarchy system quickly failed, the division of the empire proved an enduring concept.[11]

Diocletian's reforms significantly altered governmental structure, reach and taxation, and these reforms also had the effect of downgrading the first capital, Rome.[12] Constantine I (r. 306–337) secured sole power in 324. Over the following six years, he rebuilt the city of Byzantium as a capital city, which was renamed Constantinople. Rome, the previous capital, was further from the important eastern provinces and in a less strategically important location; it was not esteemed by the "soldier-emperors" who ruled from the frontiers or by the empire's population who, having been granted citizenship, considered themselves "Roman".[13] Constantine extensively reformed the empire's military and civil administration and instituted the gold solidus as a stable currency.[14] He favoured Christianity, which he had converted to in 312.[15] The Constantinian dynasty's support for Christianity, as well as the elevation of this new imperial seat, solidified this transformation of the Empire.[16][17]

Constantine's dynasty fought a lengthy conflict against Sasanid Persia and ended in 363 with the death of his son-in-law Julian.[18] The short Valentinianic dynasty, occupied with wars against barbarians, religious debates, and anti-corruption campaigns, ended in the East with the death of Valens at the Battle of Adrianople in 378.[19]

 
Division of the empire after the death of Theodosius I in 395.
  The Western Roman Empire
  The Byzantine/Eastern Roman Empire

Valens's successor, Theodosius I (r. 379–395), restored political stability in the east by allowing the Goths to settle in Roman territory;[20] he also twice intervened in the western half, defeating the usurpers Magnus Maximus and Eugenius in 388 and 394 respectively.[21] He actively condemned paganism, confirmed the primacy of Nicene Christianity over Arianism, and established Christianity as the Roman state religion.[22] He was the last emperor to rule both the western and eastern halves of the empire;[23] after his death, the West would be destabilised by a succession of "soldier-emperors", unlike the East, where administrators would continue to hold power. Theodosius II (r. 408–450) largely left the rule of the east to officials such as Anthemius, who constructed the Theodosian Walls to defend Constantinople, now firmly entrenched as Rome's capital.[24]

Theodosius' reign was marked by the theological dispute over Nestorianism, which was eventually deemed heretical, and by the formulation of the Codex Theodosianus law code.[25] It also saw the arrival of Attila's Huns, who ravaged the Balkans and exacted a massive tribute from the empire; Attila however switched his attention to the rapidly-deteriorating western empire, and his people fractured after his death in 453.[26] After Leo I (r. 457–474) failed in his 468 attempt to reconquer the west, the warlord Odoacer deposed Romulus Augustulus in 476, killed his titular successor Julius Nepos in 480, and the office of western emperor was formally abolished.[27]

Through a combination of luck, cultural factors, and political decisions, the Eastern empire never suffered from rebellious barbarian vassals and was never ruled by barbarian warlords—the problems which ensured the downfall of the West.[28] Zeno (r. 474–491) convinced the problematic Ostrogoth king Theodoric to take control of Italy from Odoacer, which he did; dying with the empire at peace, Zeno was succeeded by Anastasius I (r. 491–518).[29] Although his Monophysitism brought occasional issues, Anastasius was a capable administrator and instituted several successful financial reforms including the abolition of the chrysargyron tax. He was the first emperor to die with no serious problems affecting his empire since Diocletian.[30]

518–717

Emperor Justinian (left), and the general Belisarius (right). Mosaics, 6th century, from the Basilica of San Vitale, Ravenna, Italy

The reign of Justinian I was a watershed in Byzantine history.[31] Following his accession in 527, the law-code was rewritten as the influential Corpus Juris Civilis and Justinian produced extensive legislation on provincial administration;[32] he reasserted imperial control over religion and morality through purges of non-Christians and "deviants";[33] and having ruthlessly subdued the 532 Nika revolt he rebuilt much of Constantinople, including the original Hagia Sophia.[34] Justinian took advantage of political instability in Italy to attempt the reconquest of lost western territories. The Vandal Kingdom in North Africa was subjugated in 534 by the general Belisarius, who then invaded Italy; the Ostrogothic Kingdom was destroyed in 554.[35]

In the 540s, however, Justinian began to suffer reversals on multiple fronts. Taking advantage of Constantinople's preoccupation with the West, Khosrow I of the Sasanian Empire invaded Byzantine territory and sacked Antioch in 540.[36] Meanwhile, the emperor's internal reforms and policies began to falter, not helped by a devastating plague that killed a large proportion of the population and severely weakened the empire's social and financial stability.[37] The most difficult period of the Ostrogothic war, against their king Totila, came during this decade, while divisions among Justinian's advisors undercut the administration's response.[38] He also did not fully heal the divisions in Chalcedonian Christianity, as the Second Council of Constantinople failed to make a real difference.[39] Justinian died in 565; his reign saw more success than that of any other Byzantine emperor, yet he left his empire under massive strain.[40]

Financially and territorially overextended, Justin II (r. 565–578) was soon at war on many fronts. The Lombards, fearing the aggressive Avars, conquered much of northern Italy by 572.[41] The Sasanian wars restarted that year, and continued until the emperor Maurice finally emerged victorious in 591; by that time, the Avars and Slavs had repeatedly invaded the Balkans, causing great instability.[42] Maurice campaigned extensively in the region during the 590s, but although he managed to re-establish Byzantine control up to the Danube, he pushed his troops too far in 602—they mutinied, proclaimed an officer named Phocas as emperor, and executed Maurice.[43] The Sasanians seized their moment and reopened hostilities; Phocas was unable to cope and soon faced a major rebellion led by Heraclius. Phocas lost Constantinople in 610 and was soon executed, but the destructive civil war accelerated the empire's decline.[44]

Top: the Sasanian Empire at its territorial apex under Khosrow II
Bottom: the Theodosian Walls of Constantinople, critically important during the 717–718 siege.

Under Khosrow II, the Sassanids occupied the Levant and Egypt and pushed into Asia Minor, while Byzantine control of Italy slipped and the Avars and Slavs ran riot in the Balkans.[45] Although Heraclius repelled a siege of Constantinople in 626 and defeated the Sassanids in 627, this was a pyrrhic victory.[46] The early Muslim conquests soon saw the conquest of the Levant, Egypt, and the Sassanid Empire by the newly-formed Arabic Rashidun Caliphate.[47] By Heraclius' death in 641, the empire had been severely reduced economically as well as territorially—the loss of the wealthy eastern provinces had deprived Constantinople of three-quarters of its revenue.[48]

The next seventy-five years are poorly documented.[49] Arab raids into Asia Minor began almost immediately, and the Byzantines resorted to holding fortified centres and avoiding battle at all costs; although it was invaded annually, Anatolia avoided permanent Arab occupation.[50] The outbreak of the First Fitna in 656 gave Byzantium breathing space, which it used wisely: some order was restored in the Balkans by Constans II (r. 641–668),[51] who began the administrative reorganisation known as the "theme system", in which troops were allocated to defend specific provinces.[52] With the help of the recently rediscovered Greek fire, Constantine IV (r. 668–685) repelled the Arab efforts to capture Constantinople in the 670s,[53] but suffered a reversal against the Bulgars, who soon established an empire in the northern Balkans.[54] Nevertheless, he and Constans had done enough to secure the empire's position, especially as the Umayyad Caliphate was undergoing another civil war.[55]

Justinian II sought to build on the stability secured by his father Constantine but was overthrown in 695 after attempting to exact too much from his subjects; over the next twenty-two years, six more rebellions followed in an era of political instability.[56] The reconstituted caliphate sought to break Byzantium by taking Constantinople, but the newly crowned Leo III managed to repel the 717–718 siege, the first major setback of the Muslim conquests.[57]

718–867

 
Gold solidus of Leo III (left), and his son and heir, Constantine V (right)

Leo and his son Constantine V (r. 741–775), two of the most capable Byzantine emperors, withstood continued Arab attacks, civil unrest, and natural disasters, and reestablished the state as a major regional power.[58] Leo's reign produced the Ecloga, a new code of law to succeed that of Justinian II,[59] and continued to reform the "theme system" in order to lead offensive campaigns against the Muslims, culminating in a decisive victory in 740.[60] Constantine overcame an early civil war against his brother-in-law Artabasdos, made peace with the new Abbasid Caliphate, campaigned successfully against the Bulgars, and continued to make administrative and military reforms.[61] However, due to both emperors' support for the Byzantine Iconoclasm, which opposed the use of religious icons, they were later vilified by Byzantine historians;[62] Constantine's reign also saw the loss of Ravenna to the Lombards, and the beginning of a split with the Roman papacy.[63]

In 780, Empress Irene assumed power on behalf of her son Constantine VI.[64] Although she was a capable administrator who temporarily resolved the iconoclasm controversy,[65] the empire was destabilized by her feud with her son. The Bulgars and Abbasids meanwhile inflicted numerous defeats on the Byzantine armies, and the papacy crowned Charlemagne as Roman emperor in 800.[66] In 802, the unpopular Irene was overthrown by Nikephoros I; he reformed the empire's administration but died in battle against the Bulgars in 811.[67] Military defeats and societal disorder, especially the resurgence of iconoclasm, characterised the next eighteen years.[68]

Stability was somewhat restored during the reign of Theophilos (r. 829–842), who exploited economic growth to complete construction programs, including rebuilding the sea walls of Constantinople, overhaul provincial governance, and wage inconclusive campaigns against the Abbasids.[69] After his death, his empress Theodora, ruling on behalf of her son Michael III, permanently extinguished the iconoclastic movement;[70] the empire prospered under their sometimes-fraught rule. However, Michael was posthumously vilified by historians loyal to the dynasty of his successor Basil I, who assassinated him in 867 and who was given credit for his predecessor's achievements.[71]

867–1081

 
The Byzantine Empire, c. 867

Basil I (r. 867–886) continued Michael's policies.[72] His armies campaigned with mixed results in Italy but defeated the Paulicians of Tephrike.[73] His successor Leo VI (r. 886–912)[b] compiled and propagated a huge number of written works. These included the Basilika, a Greek translation of Justinian I's law-code which included over 100 new laws of Leo's devising; the Tactica, a military treatise; and the Book of the Eparch, which codified Constantinople's trading regulations.[75] In non-literary contexts Leo was less successful: the empire lost in Sicily and against the Bulgarians,[76] while he provoked theological scandal by marrying four times in an attempt to father a legitimate heir.[77]

The early reign of that heir, Constantine VII, was tumultuous, as his mother Zoe, his uncle Alexander, the patriarch Nicholas, the powerful Simeon I of Bulgaria, and other influential figures jockeyed for power.[78] In 920, the admiral Romanos I used his fleet to secure power, crowning himself and demoting Constantine to the position of junior co-emperor.[79] His reign, which brought peace with Bulgaria and successes in the east under the general John Kourkouas, was ended in 944 by the machinations of his sons, whom Constantine soon usurped in turn.[80] Constantine's ineffectual sole rule has often been construed as the zenith of Byzantine learning, but while several works were compiled, they were largely intended to legitimise and glorify the emperor's Macedonian dynasty.[81] His son and successor died young; under two soldier-emperors, Nikephoros II (r. 963–969) and John I Tzimiskes (r. 969–976), the Roman army claimed numerous military successes, including the conquest of Cilicia and Antioch, and a sensational victory against Bulgaria and the Kievan Rus' in 971. John in particular was an astute administrator who reformed military structures and implemented effective fiscal policies.[82]

After John's death, Constantine VII's grandsons Basil II and Constantine VIII ruled jointly for half a century, although the latter exercised no real power.[83] Their early reign was occupied by conflicts against two prominent generals, Bardas Skleros and Bardas Phokas, which ended in 989 with the former's death and the latter's submission, and with a power struggle against the eunuch Basileios, who was dismissed in 985.[84] Basil, who for unknown reasons never married or had children, subequently refused to delegate any authority: he sidelined the military establishment by taking personal command of the army and promoting officers loyal to him.[85] His reign was preoccupied with the decades-long campaign against Bulgaria, which ended in total Byzantine victory in 1018.[86] Diplomatic efforts, critical for that success,[87] also contributed to the annexation of several Georgian provinces in the 1020s and coexistence with the new Fatimid Caliphate.[88] When he died in 1025, Basil's empire stretched from the Danube and Sicily in the west to the Euphrates in the east; his swift expansion was however unaccompanied by administrative reforms.[89]

 
The seizure of Edessa (1031) by the Byzantines under George Maniakes and the counterattack by the Seljuk Turks

After Constantine VIII's death in 1028, his daughters, the empresses Zoe (r. 1028–1052) and Theodora (r. 1042–1056), held the keys to power: four emperors (Romanos III, Michael IV, Michael V, and Constantine IX) ruled only because of their connection to Zoe, while Michael VI (r. 1056–1057) was selected by Theodora.[90] This political instability combined with regular budget deficits, a string of expensive military failures, and other problems connected to over-extension, to create substantial issues in the empire;[91] its strategic focus moved from maintaining hegemony to prioritizing defence.[92]

The empire soon came under sustained assault on three fronts, from the Seljuk Turks in the east, the Pecheneg nomads in the north, and the Normans in the west. The Byzantine army struggled with confronting these enemies, who did not organise themselves as traditional states and who were thus untroubled by defeats in set-piece battles.[93] The year 1071 brought two consequential reverses: Bari, the last remaining Byzantine settlement in Italy, was captured by the Normans, while the Seljuks won a decisive victory at the Battle of Manzikert, taking the emperor Romanos IV Diogenes prisoner.[94] The latter event sparked a decade-long civil war, during which the Seljuks took possession of Anatolia up to the Sea of Marmara.[95]

1081–1204

One prominent general, Alexios I, usurped the throne in 1081. In contrast to the prior turmoil, the three reigns of Alexios (r. 1081–1118), his son John II (r. 1118–1143), and his grandson Manuel I (r. 1143–1180) lasted a century and restored the empire's regional authority for the final time.[96] Alexios immediately faced the Normans under Robert Guiscard, who were repelled through warfare and diplomacy.[97] He then targeted the Pechenegs, who were decisively defeated in 1091 with help from the Cumans, who were in turn defeated three years later.[98] Finally, looking to recover Asia Minor from the Seljuks, he approached Pope Urban II for help c. 1095. He did not anticipate the scale of western Christendom's response—the First Crusade allowed the recapture of western Anatolia, although Alexios soon fell out with its leaders.[99] The rest of his reign was spent dealing with the Normans and Seljuks, establishing a new, loyal aristocracy to ensure stability, and carrying out fiscal and ecclesiastical reforms.[100]

 
A mosaic from the Hagia Sophia of Constantinople (modern Istanbul), depicting Mary and Jesus, flanked by John II Komnenos (left) and his wife Irene of Hungary (right), 12th century

Alexios' concentration of power in the hands of his Komnenos dynasty meant the most serious political threats would come from within the imperial family—before his coronation, John II had to overcome his mother Irene and his sister Anna, and the primary threat during his reign was his brother Isaac.[101] John campaigned annually and extensively—he fought the Pechenegs in 1122, the Hungarians in the late 1120s, and the Seljuks throughout his reign, notably waging large campaigns in Syria in his final years—but did not achieve large territorial gains.[102] In 1138, John raised the imperial standard over the Crusader Principality of Antioch to intimidate the city into allying with the Byzantines, but chose not to attack, fearing that it would provoke western Christendom to respond.[103]

Manuel I utilised his father's overflowing imperial treasury in pursuit of his ambitions and to secure the empire's position in a increasingly multilateral geopolitical landscape.[104] Through a combination of diplomacy and bribery, he cultivated a ring of allies and clients thuaround the empire: the Turks of the Sultanate of Rum, the Kingdom of Hungary, the Cilician Armenians, Balkan princes, Italian and Dalmatian cities, and most importantly Antioch and the Crusader States, marrying one of their princesses in 1161.[105] Manuel averted the threat of war from the tumultuous passage of the Second Crusade through Byzantine territories in 1147, but the campaign's failure was blamed on the Byzantines by western contemporaries.[106] He was less successful militarily: an invasion of Sicily was decisively defeated by King William I in 1156, leading to tensions with Frederick Barbarossa, the Holy Roman Emperor;[107] two decades later, an invasion of Anatolia was resoundingly defeated at the Battle of Myriokephalon.[108]

 
The Entry of the Crusaders into Constantinople, by Eugène Delacroix (1840)

Manuel's death left the empire rudderless and it soon came under intense pressure.[109] His son Alexios II was too young to rule, and his troubled regency was soon overthrown by an uncle, who was himself replaced by Isaac II in 1185.[110] Centrifugal forces swirled at the borders as ambitious rulers seized their chance: Hungary and the Turks captured Byzantine territories, an exiled Komnenian prince seized Cyprus; and most injuriously, a revolt in 1185 caused the foundation of a resurrected Bulgarian state.[111] Relations with the west deteriorated further after Constantinople allied with Saladin, the vanquisher of the Third Crusade, whose leaders had also conflicted with Byzantium as they passed through its territory.[112] In 1195, Isaac II was deposed by his brother Alexios III; this particular quarrel would prove fatal.[113]

The Fourth Crusade was originally intended to target Egypt, but amid strategic difficulties, Isaac II's son Alexios Angelos convinced the crusaders to restore his father to the throne in exchange for a huge tribute.[114] They attacked Constantinople in 1203, reinstating Isaac II and his son to the throne. The new rulers grew swiftly unpopular and were deposed by Alexios V, which the crusaders used as a pretext to sack the city in April 1204, ransacking the accumulated wealth of nine centuries.[115]

1204–1453

 
The partition of the empire following the Fourth Crusade, c. 1204

Byzantine territories fragmented into competing political entities. The crusaders crowned Baldwin I as ruler of a new Latin Empire in Constantinople; it soon suffered a crushing defeat against the Bulgarians in 1205. It also failed to expand west or east, where three Greek successor states had formed: the Empire of Nicaea and the Empire of Trebizond in Asia Minor, and the Despotate of Epirus on the Adriatic. The Venetians acquired many ports and islands, and the Principality of Achaea came into being in southern Greece.[116] Trebizond lost the key port of Sinope in 1214 and thereafter was unable to affect matters away from the southeastern Black Sea.[117] For a time, it seemed like Epirus was the most likely to reclaim Constantinople from the Latins, and its ruler Theodore Doukas crowned himself emperor, but he suffered a critical defeat in 1230 and Epirote power waned.[118]

Nicaea, ruled by the Laskarid dynasty and composed of a mixture of Byzantine refugees and native Greeks, blocked the Latins and the Seljuks of Rum from expanding east and west respectively.[119] John III (r. 1221–1254) was a very capable emperor.[120] His protectionist economic policies strongly encouraged Nicaean self-sufficiency,[121] while he made many diplomatic treaties, especially after Mongol armies ravaged Bulgaria and defeated Rum between 1237 and 1243. This chaos was an opportunity for John, who fought numerous successful campaigns against the states which bore the brunt of the Mongol invasions.[122] Soon after his death, his grandson was usurped by Michael VIII, founder of the Palaiologos dynasty, who recaptured Constantinople in 1261.[123]

Michael chose to expand the empire, gaining only short-term success. To avoid another sacking of the capital by the Latins, he forced the Church to submit to Rome, again a temporary solution for which the peasantry hated Michael and Constantinople.[124] The efforts of Andronikos II and later his grandson Andronikos III marked Byzantium's last genuine attempts to restoring the glory of the empire. However, the use of mercenaries by Andronikos II often backfired, with the Catalan Company ravaging the countryside and increasing resentment towards Constantinople.[125]

 
The siege of Constantinople in 1453, depicted in a 15th-century French miniature

The situation became worse for Byzantium during the civil wars after Andronikos III died. A six-year-long civil war devastated the empire, allowing the Serbian ruler Stefan Dušan to overrun most of the empire's remaining territory and establish a Serbian Empire. In 1354, an earthquake at Gallipoli devastated the fort, allowing the Ottomans (who were hired as mercenaries during the civil war by John VI Kantakouzenos) to establish themselves in Europe.[126][127] By the time the Byzantine civil wars had ended, the Ottomans had defeated the Serbians and subjugated them as vassals. Following the Battle of Kosovo, much of the Balkans became dominated by the Ottomans.[128]

Constantinople by this stage was underpopulated and dilapidated. The population of the city had collapsed so severely that it was now little more than a cluster of villages separated by fields. On 2 April 1453, Sultan Mehmed's army of 80,000 men and large numbers of irregulars laid siege to the city.[129] Despite a desperate last-ditch defence of the city by the massively outnumbered Christian forces (c. 7,000 men, 2,000 of whom were foreign),[130] Constantinople finally fell to the Ottomans after a two-month siege on 29 May 1453. The final Byzantine emperor, Constantine XI Palaiologos, was last seen casting off his imperial regalia and throwing himself into hand-to-hand combat after the walls of the city were taken.[131]

Government

The themes, c. 750
The themes, c. 950

Governance

The proclamations of the crowds of Constantinople, and the inaugurations of the patriarch from 457, would legitimise the rule of an emperor.[132] The senate had its own identity but would become an extension of the emperor's court, becoming largely ceremonial.[133] The reign of Phocas (r. 602–610) was the first military overthrow since the third century, his reign also being one of 43 emperors violently removed.[134] There were nine dynasties between Heraclius in 610 and 1453, with only 30 of those 843 years was the Empire not ruled by men linked by blood or kinship which was largely due to the practice of co-emperorship.[135]

As a result of the Diocletianic–Constantinian reforms, the Empire was organised into Praetorian prefectures and the army was separated from the civil administration.[136] From the 7th century onwards, the prefectures became provinces and were later divided into districts called themata governed by a military commander called a strategos who oversaw the civil and military administration.[137] In earlier times, cities had been a collection of self-governing communities with central government and church representatives, whereas the emperor focused on defense and foreign relations.[138] The Arab destruction primarily changed this due to constant war and their regular raids, with a decline in city councils and the local elites that supported them, with Leo VI (r. 886–912) during his legal reforms centralising power by formally ending the rights of city councils and the legislative authority of the senate.[139]

Diplomacy

Its been said diplomacy is one of Empire's lasting contributions to the history of Europe, which includes the preservation of civilisation in eastern Europe.[140] This is due to its aggressiveness in negotiating treaties, the formation of alliances, and partnerships with the enemies of its enemies, notably seen with the Turks against the Persians or riffs between states like the Umayyads in Spain and the Aghlabids in Sicily.[141] Diplomacy often involved long-term embassies, hosting foreign royals as potential hostages or political pawns, and overwhelming visitors with displays of wealth and power (with deliberate efforts that word of it would travel).[142] Other tools in diplomacy included political marriages, bestowing titles, bribery, differing levels of persuasion, and leveraging intelligence as attested in the 'Bureau of Barbarians' from the 4th century and which is likely the first foreign intelligence agency.[143]

 
The embassy of John the Grammarian in 829, between the emperor Theophilos and the Abbasid caliph Al-Ma'mun

Diplomacy following Theodosius I (r. 379–395) contrasted sharply with that of the Roman Republic, emphasizing peace as a strategic necessity.[144] Even when it had more resources and less threats in the 6th century, the costs of defense were enormous;[145] foreign affairs had become more multi-polar, complex and interconnected;[146] further the challenges in protecting the empire's primarily agricultural income as well as numerous aggressive neighbours made avoiding war a preferred strategy.[147] Between the 4th and 8th centuries, diplomats leveraged the Empire's status as Orbis Romanus and sophistication as a state, which influenced the formation of new settlements on former Roman territories.[148] Byzantine diplomacy drew fledgling states into dependency, creating a network of international and inter-state relations (the oikouménē) dominated by the Empire, utilising Christianity as a tool.[149] This network focused on treaty-making, welcoming new rulers into the family of kings, and assimilating social attitudes, values, and institutions into what has been called a "Byzantine Caliphate".[150] Diplomacy with the Muslim states, however, differed and centred on war-related matters such as hostages or the prevention of hostilities.[151]

 
Italian sketch of Emperor John VIII during his visit in Ferrara and Florence in 1438

The primary objective of diplomacy was survival, not conquest, and is considered a "defensive imperialism" with a change in policy noted from the 9-10th centuries.[152] This change involved halting, reversing, and attacking Muslim power; cultivating relations with Armenians and Rus; and subjugating the Bulgarians.[153] Diplomacy with the West became more challenging from 752/3 and later with the Crusades, as the balance of power shifted causing the Limitrophe system to be abandoned.[154] This meant by the 11th century, the Empire had changed this core diplomatic principle to one of equality, and Byzantine diplomacy evolved instead to solicit and utilise the emperor's presence.[155]

The recovery of Constantinople in 1261 and the Empire's ability to act like a great power despite its weakness in the 13th and 14th centuries, is attributed to its efficient statecraft and the leveraging of the Constantinople patriarch.[156]

Law

Roman law has its origins in the Twelve Tables and evolved mainly through the annual Praetorian Edict and the opinions of educated specialists called Jurists.[157] Hadrian (r. 117–138) made the Praetorian Edict permanent and ruled that if all the Jurists agreed on a legal point, it would be considered law.[158] The law eventually became confusing due to conflicting sources, and it was not clear what it should be.[159] Efforts were made to reduce the confusion, such as two private collections collating the imperial constitutions since Hadrian's reign, the Codices Gregorianus and the Hermogenianus, which were developed during the reign of Diocletian (r. 284–305).[160]

Eventually, an official reform of Roman law was initiated by the East, when Theodosius II (r. 402–450) elevated five Jurists to the role of principal authorities and compiled the legislation issued since Constantine's reign into the Codex Theodosianus.[161] This work was completed by what is collectively known today as the Corpus Juris Civilis, when Justinian I (r. 527–565) commissioned a complete standardisation of imperial decrees since Hadrian's reign, and incorporated a comprehensive collection of Jurists' opinions, resolving conflicts to create a final authority.[162] This work was not restricted in its scope to just civil law, but also covered the power of the emperor, the organisation of the Empire and other matters now classified as public law.[163] After 534, Justinian would legislate the Novellae (New Laws) in Greek as well, which legal historian Bernard Stolte proposes as a convenient breaking point to demarcate the end of Roman law and the start of Byzantine law. This division is proposed largely due to the legal heritage of Western Europe coming mostly from law written in Latin as transmitted through the Corpus Juris Civilis.[164][165]

The researcher Zachary Chitwood claims that the Corpus Juris Civilis was inaccessible in Latin, particularly in the Empire's provinces.[166] A stronger association of Christianity with the law occured, after people questioned how the law was developed and used, following the 7th century Islamic conquests.[167] Together, this created the backdrop for Leo III (r. 717–741) to develop the Ecloga, 'with a greater view of humanity'.[168] The three so-called leges speciales (the Farmers' Law, the Seamen's Law, and the Soldiers' Law) were derived from the Ecloga, which Zachary Chitwood claims were likely used on a daily basis in the provinces as companions to the Corpus Juris Civilis.[169] The Macedonian dynasty started their reform attempts with the Procheiron and the Eisagoge to replace the Ecloga due to its associations with iconoclasm, but also noteworthy because they show an effort to define the emperor's power according to the prevalent laws.[170] Leo VI (r. 886–912) achieved the complete codification of Roman law in the Greek language with the Basilika, a monumental work consisting of 60 books, and that became the foundation of all subsequent Byzantine law.[171] The Hexabiblos, published in 1345 by a jurist, was a law book in six volumes compiled from a wide range of Byzantine legal sources.[172]

Military

Army

In the 5th century the East was fielding five armies of ~20,000 each in two army branches: stationary frontier units (limitanei) and mobile forces (comitatenses).[173] The historian Anthony Kaldellis claims that the fiscally stretched Empire could only handle one major enemy at a time in the 6th century.[174] The Islamic conquests between 634 and 642 led to significant changes, transforming the 4th-7th centuries field forces into provincialised militia-like units with a core of professional soldiers.[175] The state shifted the burden of supporting the armies onto local populations and during Leo VI (r. 886–912) wove them into the tax system, with provinces evolving into military regions known as themata.[176] Despite many challenges, the historian Warren Treadgold states that the field forces of the Eastern Empire between 284 and 602 were the best in the western world, while the historian Anthony Kaldellis believes that during the conquest period of the Macedonian dynasty (r. 867–1056), they were the best in the empire's history.[177]

The military structure would diversify to include militia-like soldiers tied to regions, professional thematic forces (tourmai), and imperial units mostly based in Constantinople (tagmata).[178] Foreign mercenaries also increasingly became employed, including the better-known tagma regiment, the Varangians, that guarded the emperor.[179] The defence-orientated thematic militias were gradually replaced with more specialised offensive field armies but also to counter the generals who would rebel against the emperor.[180] When the Empire was expanding, the state began to commute thematic military service for cash payments: in the 10th century, there were 6,000 Varangians, another 3,000 foreign mercenaries and when including paid and unpaid citizen soldiers, the army on paper was 140,000 (an expeditionary force was 15,000 soldiers and field armies seldom were more than 40,000).[181]

The thematic forces faded into insignificance—the government relying on the tagmata, mercenaries and allies instead—and which led to a neglect in defensive capability.[182] Mercenary armies would further fuel political divisions and civil wars that led to a collapse in the Empire's defence and resulting in significant losses such as Italy and the Anatolian heartland in the 11th century.[183] Major military and fiscal reforms under the emperors of the Komnenian dynasty after 1081 re-established a modest-sized, adequately compensated and competent army.[184] However, the costs were not sustainable and the structural weaknesses of the Komnenian approach—namely, the reliance on fiscal exemptions called pronoia—unraveled after the end of the reign of Manuel I (r. 1143–1180).[185]

The navy dominated the eastern Mediterranean and were active also on the Black Sea, the Sea of Marmara, and the Aegean.[186] Imperial naval forces were restructured to challenge Arab naval dominance in the 7th century, and would later cede its own dominance to the Venetians and Genoans in the 11th century.[187] The navy's patrols, along with chains of watchtowers and fire signals that warned inhabitants of threats, created the coastal defense for the Empire and were the responsibility of three themes (Cibirriote, Aegean Sea, Samos) and an imperial fleet that consisted of mercenaries like the Norsemen and Russians that later became Varangians.[188]

A new type of war galley, the dromon, appeared early in the sixth century.[189][190] A multi-purpose variant, the chelandia, appeared during the reign of Justinian II (r. 685–711) and could be used to transport cavalry.[191] The galleys were oar-driven, designed for coastal navigation, and are estimated to be able to operate for up to four days at a time.[192][193] They were equipped with apparatus to deliver Greek fire in the 670s, and when Basil I (r. 867–886) developed professional marines, this combination kept a check on Muslim raiding through piracy.[194] The dromon were the most advanced galleys on the Mediterranean, until the 10th century development of a dromon called a galeai and which superseded dromons with the development of a late 11th century Western (Southern Italian) variant.[195]

Late era (1204–1453)

The rulers of the Empire of Nicaea that retook the capital and the Palaiologos that ruled until 1453, built on the Komnenian foundation initially with four types of military units—the Thelematarii (volunteer soldiers), Gasmouloi and the Southern Peloponnese Tzacones/Lakones (marines), and Proselontes/Prosalentai (oarsmen)—but similarly could not sustain funding a standing force, largely relying on mercenaries as soldiers and fiscal exemptions to pronoiars who provided a small force of mostly cavalry.[196] The Fleet was disbanded in 1284 and attempts were made to build it back later but the Genoese sabotaged the effort.[197] The historian John Haldon claims that over time, the distinction between field troops and garrison units eventually disappeared as resources were strained.[198] The frequent civil wars further drained the Empire, now increasingly instigated by foreigners such as the Serbs and Turks to win concessions, and the emperors were dependent on mercenaries to keep control all the while dealing with the impact of the Black Death.[199] The strategy of employing mercenary Turks to fight civil wars was repeatedly used by emperors and always led to the same outcome: subordination to the Turks.[200]

Society

Demography

In 540 at its territorial peak, the population could have been as high as 27 million, but would fall to as low as 12 million by 800.[201] Plague and loss of territories to the Arab Muslim invaders significantly impacted the Empire, but it recovered, and by the near end of the Macedonian dynasty in 1025, the population is estimated to have been as high as 18 million.[202] A few decades after the recapture of Constantinople in 1282, the Empire's population was in the range of 3–5 million; by 1312, the number had dropped to 2 million.[203] By the time the Ottoman Turks captured Constantinople, there were only 50,000 people in the city, which was one-tenth of its population in its prime.[204]

Education

Education was voluntary and required financial means to attend, with the most literate people being the ones associated with the church.[205] Reading, writing, and arithmetic were foundational subjects taught in primary education whereas Secondary school focused on the trivium and quadrivium as their curriculum.[206] The Imperial University of Constantinople was formed in 425, and refounded in 1046 as a centre for law.[207][208][209]

Slavery

During the third century, 10–15% of the population was enslaved (numbering around 3 million in the east).[210] Youval Rotman calls the changes to slavery during this period "different degrees of unfreedom".[211] Previous roles fulfilled by slaves became high-demand free market professions (like tutors), and the state encouraged the coloni, tenants bound to the land, as a new legal category between freemen and slaves.[212] From 294, but not completely, the enslavement of children was forbidden; Honorius (r. 393–423) would begin to free enslaved people who were prisoners of war, and from the 9th century onwards, emperors would free the slaves of conquered people.[213][214] Christianity as an institution had no direct impact, but by the 6th century it was a bishop's duty to ransom Christians, there were established limits on trading them, and state policies which prohibited the enslavement of Christians shaped Byzantine slave-holding from the 8th century onwards.[215] However, slavery persisted due to a steady source of non-Christians with prices remaining stable until 1300, when prices for adult slaves, particularly females, started rising.[216][217]

Socio-economic

Agriculture was the main basis of taxation and the state sought to bind everyone to land for productivity.[218] Most land consisted of small and medium-sized lots around villages, with family farms serving as the primary source of agriculture.[219] The coloni, once referred to as proto-serfs, were free citizens; their status remains a subject of historical debate.[220]

The Ekloge in 741 made marriage a Christian institution and no longer a private contract, and the institution's development correlated with the increased rights of slaves and the change in power relations.[221] Marriage was considered an institution to sustain the population, transfer property rights, support the elderly of the family; and the Empress Theodora had additionally said that it was needed to restrict sexual hedonism.[222] Women usually married at ages 15–20, and were used as a way to connect men and create economic benefit among families.[223] The average family had 2 children, with mortality rates around 40–50%.[224] Divorce could be done by mutual consent but would be restricted over time, for example, only being allowed if a married person was joining a convent.[225]

Inheritance rights were well developed, including for all women.[226] The historian Anthony Kaldellis claims that these rights may have been what prevented the emergence of large properties and a hereditary nobility capable of intimidating the state.[227] The prevalence of widows (estimated at 20%) meant that women often controlled family assets as heads of households and businesses, contributing to the rise of some empresses to power.[228] Women were major taxpayers, landowners, and petitioners to the imperial court, primarily seeking resolution for property-related disputes in the latter capacity.[229]

Women

Although women shared the same socio-economic status as men, they faced legal discrimination and had limitations in economic opportunities and vocations.[230] Prohibited from serving as soldiers or holding political office, and restricted from serving as deaconesses in the Church from the 7th century onwards, women were mostly assigned household responsibilities that were "labour-intensive".[231] They worked in professions, such as in the food and textile industry, as medical staff, in public baths, had a heavy presence in retail, and were practicing members of artisan guilds.[232] They also worked in disreputable occupations: entertainers, tavern keepers, and prostitutes; a class where some saints and empresses allegedly originated from.[233] Prostitution was widespread, and attempts were made to limit it, especially during Justinian's reign under the influence of Theodora.[234] Women participated in public life, engaging in social events and protests.[235] Women's rights would not be better in comparable societies, Western Europe or America until the 19th century.[236]

Language

Left: The Mudil Psalter, the oldest complete psalter in the Coptic language (Coptic Museum, Egypt, Coptic Cairo)
Right: The Joshua Roll, a 10th-century illuminated Greek manuscript possibly made in Constantinople (Vatican Library, Rome)
 
Distribution of Greek dialects in Anatolia in the late Byzantine Empire through to 1923. Demotic in light grey. Pontic in orange. Cappadocian in green. Green dots indicate Cappadocian Greek-speaking villages in 1910.[237]

There was never an official language of the Empire, however, Latin and Greek were the main languages.[238] During the early years of the Roman Empire, knowledge of Greek had been useful to pass the requirements to be an educated noble, and knowledge of Latin was useful for a career in the military, government, or law.[239] In the east, Greek was the dominant language, a legacy of the Hellenistic period.[240] Greek was also the language of the Christian Church and trade.[241]

Most early emperors were bilingual but had a preference for Latin in the public sphere for political reasons, a practice that first started during the Punic Wars.[242] Classical languages expert Bruno Rochette claims Latin had experienced a period of spread from the second century BC onwards, and especially so in the western provinces, but not as much in the eastern provinces with a change due to Diocletian's reforms: there was a decline in the knowledge of Greek in the west, and Latin was asserted as the language of power in the east.[243]

Despite this, Greek's influence gradually grew in the government, beginning when Arcadius in 397 AD allowed judges to issue decisions in Greek, Theodosius II in 439 expanded its use in legal procedures, the first law in Greek was issued in 448, and when Leo I legislated in the language in the 460s.[244][245] Justinian I's Corpus Juris Civilis, a compilation of mostly Roman jurists, was written almost entirely in Latin; however, the laws issued after 534, from Justinian's Novellae Constitutiones onwards, were in both Greek and Latin, which marks the year when the government officially began to use the former language.[246]

Historian Nikolaos Oikonomides states that Greek for a time became diglossic with the spoken language, known as Koine (later, Demotic Greek), used alongside an older written form (Attic Greek) until Koine won out as the spoken and written standard.[247] Latin fragmented into the incipient Romance languages in the 8th century, following the collapse of the Western Empire after the Muslim invasions broke the connection between speakers.[248][249] During the reign of Justinian (r. 527–565), Latin disappeared in the east, though it may have lingered in the military until Heraclius (r. 610–641).[250][251] Historian Steven Runciman claims contact with Western Europe in the 10th century revived Latin studies, and by the 11th century, knowledge of Latin was no longer unusual in Constantinople.[252]

Many other languages are attested in the Empire, not just in Constantinople but also at its frontiers.[253] They include Syriac, Coptic, Slavonic, Armenian, Georgian, Illyrian, Thracian, and Celtic; these were typically the languages of the lower strata of the population and the illiterate, who were the vast majority.[254] The Empire was a multi-lingual state, but Greek bound everyone, and the forces of assimilation would lead to the diversity of its peoples' languages declining over time.[255]

Economy

Following the split of the Western and Eastern Roman Empires, the West fell victim to political instability, social unrest, civil war, and invasions from foreign powers. In contrast, the Byzantines remained comparatively stable, allowing for the growth of a flourishing and resilient economy.z Institutional stability, such as the presence of a legal system, and the maintenance of infrastructure created a secure environment for economic growth.[256] In the 530s, the territory of the empire encompassed both a massive population of around 30 million people and a wide array of natural resources.[257] The Byzantines had access to resources such as abundant gold mines in the Balkans or the fertile fields of Egypt.[258] Large sections of the Byzantine population lived within the many urbanized settlements inherited from the previously unified Roman Empire. Constantinople, the capital of the empire, was the largest city in the world at the time; it housed at least 400,000 people.[259] These cities continued to grow during the 6th century, with evidence of massive construction projects suggesting that the Byzantine treasury remained strong.[260] During the 5th and 6th centuries, rural development continued alongside urban development; the number of documented agricultural settlements increased significantly during this period.[257] Although the reconquests of North Africa and Italy by Justinian I were expensive and draining campaigns, they reopened Mediterranean trade routes and parts of the Roman west were reconnected with the east.[261]

 
Golden solidus of Justinian I (527–565) excavated in India probably in the south, an example of Indo-Roman trade during the period. British Museum, London

The Plague of Justinian caused significant demographic decline, negatively affecting the production and demand of the Byzantine economy; consequently, the Imperial treasury took a substantial hit. Economic downturn was worsened by conflicts with the Slavs, Avars, and Sassanids. Heraclius waged numerous campaigns to fend off the mounting threats to the empire, recovering the wealthy provinces of Syria, Egypt, and Palestine. However, these short-term fortunes were quickly reversed following the Arab conquests. Beginning in the 630s, the Arab wars with the Romans halved Byzantine territory, including rich provinces such as Egypt.[256] These collective disasters led to severe economic deterioration, culminating in large-scale deurbanization and impoverishment throughout the empire.[262] Demographic and urban decline sparked the destruction of trade routes, with trade reaching its lowest point by the 8th century.[256] Isaurian reforms and Constantine V's repopulation, public works, and tax measures marked the beginning of a revival that continued until 1204 despite territorial contraction.[263] From the 10th century until the end of the 12th, the Byzantine Empire projected an image of luxury; travellers were impressed by the wealth accumulated in the capital.[264]

The Fourth Crusade led to the disruption of Byzantine manufacturing and the commercial dominance of the Western Europeans in the eastern Mediterranean, both events which amounted to an economic catastrophe for the empire.[264] The Palaiologoi tried to revive the economy, but the late Byzantine state could not gain full control of either foreign or domestic economic forces. Eventually, Constantinople also lost its influence on the modalities of trade, price mechanisms, control over the outflow of precious metals and, according to some scholars, even over the minting of coins.[265]

The government attempted to exercise formal control over interest rates and to set the parameters for the activity of the guilds and corporations, where they held special interests. The emperor and his officials intervened at times of crises to ensure the stockpiling of provisions for the capital and to keep the prices of cereals affordable. Finally, the government often collected a part of the economic surplus through taxation, and put it back into circulation through either redistribution in the form of salaries to state officials or in the form of investment in public works.[266]

One of the economic foundations of Byzantium was trade, fostered by the maritime character of the empire. Textiles must have been by far the most important item of export; silks were certainly imported into Egypt and appeared also in Bulgaria and the West.[267] The state strictly controlled internal and international trade, and retained the monopoly of issuing coinage, maintaining a durable and flexible monetary system adaptable to the needs of trade.[266]

Daily life

Clothing

Historical evidence is scant but it is known that the court had a distinguishable dress, while non-elite men and women observed certain conventions of clothing.[268] Fashion trends started in the provinces and not the capital which was more conservative.[269] The imperial dress was centred around the loros, tzangia and crown which represented the Empire and the court.[270] The Loros derived from the trabea triumphalis, a ceremonial toga worn by consuls and was more prominent in the earlier period, showing a continuation of the traditions of the Roman Empire.[271] Jennifer Ball claims the chlamys was like a modern-day business suit, which originated with the military and is an evolution of the paludamentum, that aristocratic men wore (including the emperor during the early period).[272] In the middle era, dresses replaced the tunic for women.[273] The late period sees the larger influence of non-Greek cultures on dress such as Italian (Genoese, Venetian), Turk (Ottoman) and Bulgarian.[274]

Cuisine

Feasting was a major part of the culture with modern Italian high-standards of gastronomy influenced from this era, and includes the use of clean tables and forks.[275] Food that would be recognised today include a cured meat called paston, baklava, Feta cheese, salt roe similar to the modern boutargue, black sea caviar, fermented fish sauce, tiropita, dolmades, and the soup trachanas[276][277] Fruits unknown from classical times added to the diet include aubergine (or eggplant) and orange.[278] There were famed medieval sweet wines such as Malvasia from Monemvasia, Commandaria, and the eponymous Rumney wine that were drunk, as was millet beer (known as boza) and Retsina.[279][280]

 
A game of τάβλι (tabula) played by the Byzantine emperor Zeno in 480 and recorded by Agathias in c. 530 because of a very unlucky dice throw for Zeno (red), as he threw 2, 5 and 6 and was forced to leave eight pieces alone.[281]

Recreation

Chariot races occurred during the early era right through to 1204, becoming one of the world's longest-lived sporting events.[282] Mimes, the pantomime and some wild-animal shows were prominent until the 6th century.[283] Disliked by Christian bishop and pagan philosophers alike, the state's funding of these activities would cease, contributing to their decline and a shift to private entertainment and sporting.[284] A Persian version of Polo introduced by the Crusaders called Tzykanion was played by the nobility and urban aristocracy in major cities during the middle and late era, with the sport of jousting introduced from the West.[285] Over time, game boards like tavli became increasingly popular.[286]

Religion

The granting of citizenship in 212 to all free men residing in its territories transformed the multi-lingual Roman Empire, expanding citizenship to a vast majority of its population and leading to a shift towards societal uniformity, particularly in its citizens' religious practices.[287][288][289]

In the late 4th century, when the majority of the Empire's citizens were pagan, Theodosius built on previous emperors' bans and enacted many laws restricting pagan activities; but it would not be until Justinian in 529 when conversions would be enforced.[290] The confiscation of pagan treasures, diversion of funds, and legal discrimination led to the decline of paganism, resulting in events like the closure of schools of philosophy and the end of the Ancient Olympics.[c][293] Christianity was also aided by the prevalence of Greek, and Christianity's debates further increased the importance of Greek, making the emergent church dependent on branches of Hellenic thought such as Neoplatonism.[d][295] Despite the transition, the historian Anthony Kaldellis views Christianity as "bringing no economic, social, or political changes to the state other than being more deeply integrated into it".[296]

Christianity

 
Map of the Roman empire with the distribution of the Christian congregations of the first three centuries displayed for each century[297]

Christianity gradually began to impact all facets of life, especially after the support of Constantine.[298] Subsequent emperors promoted conversion.[299] In A.D. 529, legislation by Justinian forced the conversion of polytheists.[300]

 
Mosaic of Jesus in the Pammakaristos Church, Istanbul

The Church of this age was seen by its supporters as a universal all-embracing union of separate individual churches.[301] Yet, the tendency for East and West to grow apart was already evident. [302] The western church spoke Latin, while the East spoke, and wrote, in Greek and at least five other languages.[303] The ancient state was a religious institution, yet East and West related to that State differently: the Catholic church condemned Roman culture as sinful, kept itself as separate as possible, and struggled to resist State control. This is in pointed contrast with Eastern Christianity which acclaimed harmony with Greek culture, and whose emperors and Patriarchs upheld unanimity between church and state.[304][305]

Regional variations led to competing orthodoxies, and conflicts over defining heresy and orthodoxy dominated fourth century Christianity.[306][307] These ongoing controversies were a large part of what led the Armenian, Assyrian, and Egyptian churches to combine into what is today known as Oriental Orthodoxy, one of three major branches of Eastern Christianity, along with the Church of the East in Persia and Eastern Orthodoxy in Byzantium.[308][309][310][e]

The patriarchs in the East frequently looked to the Pope, the bishop of Rome, to resolve disagreements for them, thereby establishing what would later become important features of papal power and influence.[316] Still, by the end of the sixth century, large sections of both the Western and Eastern church remained unconvinced they should be submissive to the Roman See.[317] The vision of a universal and united Christendom was slowly coming undone.[318]

According to the early Christian expert Tia Kolbaba, the Arab, Lombard, and Slavic invasions contributed to the alienation between the churches of Rome and Constantinople despite their shared past.[319] Disagreement about Constantinople's jurisdiction compared to Rome's intensified as a result.[320][303] Misunderstandings and conflicts over ritual, such as the use of unleavened bread in the Eucharist, and differences in points of doctrine (such as the Filioque Clause and Nestorianism), as well as differences in religious practices (such as celibacy, and even the growing of beards), underline the increasing separation of their unique social structures and cultures.[302][321][322][323] Theological differences became more pronounced.[324][325] There was a general lack of charity and respect on both sides. In 1054, the Patriarch of Constantinople refused to submit to the supremacy of the Roman Pope. Eventually, this all led to the East–West Schism, also known as the "Great Schism", which officially separated Christianity into Western Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy.[326][303]

In 1439, a reunion agreement between the Eastern and Western church was proposed. Popular resistance in the East interfered, so it wasn't until 1452 that the decree of union was officially published in Constantinople. The agreement was overthrown the very next year by the Fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453.[327][328] The conquest of 1453 destroyed the Orthodox Church as an institution of the Christian empire inaugurated by Constantine, sealing off Greek-speaking Orthodoxy from the West for almost a century and a half.[329][330] However, the church survived in altered form, and the spiritual and cultural influence of the Eastern church, Constantinople, and Mount Athos the monastic peninsula has continued.[330]

Judaism

Byzantine Jewry played a prominent role in the medieval Jewish world. The Karaite schism and the Venetian and Genoese conquests during the Fourth Crusade introduced divisions, but these did not significantly impact the commercial or cultural life of the Jewish or Christian communities.[331]

Arts

Architecture

Influences from Byzantine architecture, particularly in religious buildings, can be found in diverse regions ranging from Egypt and Arabia to Russia and Romania. Byzantine architecture is known for the use of domes, and pendentive architecture was invented in the Byzantine Empire. In contrast to the basilica plans favored in medieval Western European churches, Byzantine churches usually had more centralized ground plans, such as the cross-in-square plan deployed in many Middle Byzantine churches.[332] They also often featured marble columns, coffered ceilings and sumptuous decoration, including the extensive use of mosaics with golden backgrounds. Byzantine architects used marble mostly as interior cladding, in contrast to the structural roles it had for the Ancient Greeks. They used mostly stone and brick, and also thin alabaster sheets for windows. Mosaics were used to cover brick walls and any other surface where fresco would not resist. Notable examples of mosaics from the proto-Byzantine era are at the Hagios Demetrios in Thessaloniki (Greece), the Basilica of Sant'Apollinare Nuovo and the Basilica of San Vitale, both in Ravenna (Italy), and the Hagia Sophia in Istanbul. Christian liturgies were held in the interior of the churches, the exterior usually having little to no ornamentation.[333][334]

Christ as the Good Shepherd; c. 425–430; mosaic; width: c. 3 m; Mausoleum of Galla Placidia (Ravenna, Italy)[335]
Diptych Leaf with a Byzantine Empress; 6th century; ivory with traces of gilding and leaf; height: 26.5 cm (10.4 in); Kunsthistorisches Museum (Vienna, Austria)[336]

Art

Constantine's sponsorship produced an exuberant burst of Christian art and architecture, frescoes and mosaics for church walls, and hieroglyphic type drawings.[337] While classical and Christian culture did coexist into the seventh century, Christian imagery gradually replaced classical images, which had undergone a short revival under Julian the Apostate and in the Theodosian renaissance.[338]

 
Collier; late 6th–7th century; gold, an emerald, a sapphire, amethysts and pearls; diameter: 23 cm (9.1 in); from a Constantinopolitan workshop; Antikensammlung Berlin (Berlin, Germany)[339]

In the 720s, the Byzantine Emperor Leo III banned the pictorial representation of Christ, saints, and biblical scenes. Bishops, the army and the civil service supported the emperors, while monks, sometimes at the cost of their lives, and the western papacy, refused to participate, leading to further separation between the East and West.[340][341] Lasting for over one hundred years, this ban led to nearly all figurative religious art being destroyed.[342] It wasn't until the tenth and early eleventh centuries that Byzantine culture fully recovered and Orthodoxy was again manifested in art.[343][344]

Surviving Byzantine art is mostly religious[345] and, with exceptions during certain periods, is highly conventional, following traditional models that translate carefully controlled church theology into artistic terms. Painting in fresco, illuminated manuscripts and on wood panels and mosaics, especially in earlier periods, were the main media, and figurative sculpture was very rare except for small carved ivories. Manuscript painting preserved some of the classical realist tradition that was missing in larger works till the end of the empire. Byzantine art was highly prestigious and sought-after in Western Europe, where it maintained a continuous influence on medieval art till the near end of the period. This was especially true in Italy, where Byzantine styles persisted in modified forms through the 12th century, and became formative influences on Italian Renaissance art. However, few incoming influences affected the Byzantine style.[346] With the expansion of the Eastern Orthodox Church, Byzantine forms and styles spread throughout the Orthodox world and beyond.[347][348]

Literature

Byzantine literature concerns all Greek literature from the Middle Ages.[349] Although the Empire was linguistically diverse, the vast majority of extant texts are in medieval Greek,[350] albeit in two diglossic variants: a scholarly form based on Attic Greek, and a vernacular based on Koine Greek.[351] Most contemporary scholars consider all medieval Greek texts to be literature,[352] but some offer varying constraints.[353] The literature's early period (c. 330–650) was dominated by the competing cultures of Hellenism, Christianity and Paganism.[354] The Greek Church Fathers—educated in an Ancient Greek rhetoric tradition—sought to synthesize these influences.[349] Important early writers include John Chrysostom, Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and Procopius, all of whom aimed to reinvent older forms to fit the empire.[355] Theological miracle stories were particularly innovative and popular;[355] the Sayings of the Desert Fathers (Apophthegmata Patrum) were copied in practically every Byzantine monastery.[356] During the Byzantine Dark Ages (c. 650–800), production of literature mostly stopped, although some important theologians were active, such as Maximus the Confessor, Germanus I of Constantinople and John of Damascus.[355]

The subsequent Encyclopedism period (c. 800–1000) saw a renewed proliferation of literature and revived the earlier Hellenic-Christian synthesis.[349] Works by Homer, Ancient Greek philosophers and tragedians were translated, while hagiography was heavily reorganized.[355] After this early flowering of monastic literature, there was a dearth until Symeon the New Theologian in the late 10th-century.[355] A new generation (c. 1000–1250), including Symeon, Michael Psellos and Theodore Prodromos, rejected the Encyclopedist emphasis on order, and were interested in individual-focused ideals variously concerning mysticism, authorial voice, heroism, humor and love.[357] This included the Hellenistic-inspired Byzantine romance and Chivalric approaches in rhetoric, historiography and the influential epic Digenes Akritas.[355] The empire's final centuries saw a renewal of hagiography and increased Western influence, leading to mass Greek to Latin translations.[358] Authors such as Gemistos Plethon and Bessarion exemplified a new focus on human vices alongside the preservation of classical traditions, which greatly influenced the Italian Renaissance.[358]

Music

Late 4th century "Mosaic of the Musicians" with organ, aulos, and lyre from a Byzantine villa in Maryamin, Syria[359]

The ecclesiastical forms of Byzantine music – composed to Greek texts as ceremonial, festival, or church music[360] – are today the most well-known forms. Ecclesiastical chants were a fundamental part of this genre. Greek and foreign historians agree that the ecclesiastical tones and in general the whole system of Byzantine music is closely related to the ancient Greek system.[361] It remains the oldest genre of extant music, of which the manner of performance and (with increasing accuracy from the 5th century onwards) the names of the composers, and sometimes the particulars of each musical work's circumstances, are known.

 
Earliest known depiction of a bowed lyra, from a Byzantine ivory casket (900–1100) (Museo Nazionale, Florence)

The 9th-century Persian geographer Ibn Khordadbeh, in his lexicographical discussion of instruments, cited the lyra (lūrā) as the typical instrument of the Byzantines along with the urghun (organ), shilyani (probably a type of harp or lyre) and the salandj (probably a bagpipe).[362] The first of these, the early bowed stringed instrument known as the Byzantine lyra, came to be called the lira da braccio,[363] in Venice, where it is considered by many to have been the predecessor of the contemporary violin, which later flourished there.[364] The bowed "lyra" is still played in former Byzantine regions, where it is known as the Politiki lyra (lit.'lyra of the City', i.e. Constantinople) in Greece, the Calabrian lira in southern Italy, and the lijerica in Dalmatia. The water organ originated in the Hellenistic world and was used in the Hippodrome during races.[365][366] A pipe organ with "great leaden pipes" was sent by Emperor Constantine V to Pepin the Short, King of the Franks in 757. Pepin's son Charlemagne requested a similar organ for his chapel in Aachen in 812, beginning its establishment in Western church music.[366] The aulos was a double-reeded woodwind like the modern oboe or Armenian duduk. Other forms include the plagiaulos (πλαγίαυλος, from πλάγιος "sideways"), which resembled the flute,[367] and the askaulos (ἀσκός askoswineskin), a bagpipe.[368] The modern descendant of the aulos is the Greek Zourna.[369] Bagpipes, also known as dankiyo (from ancient Greek: angion (Τὸ ἀγγεῖον), "the container"), had been played even in Roman times and continue to be played throughout the empire's former realms till the present day. These are namely the Balkan Gaida, Greek Tsampouna, Pontic Tulum, Cretan Askomandoura, Armenian Parkapzuk, and Romanian Cimpoi. Other instruments used in Byzantine music were the Kanonaki, Tambouras, Semantron, Salpinx, Boukina, Syrinx, Crotala, Tympana and Cheirokymbala.[370]

Science and medicine

 
Interior of the Hagia Sophia, the patriarchal basilica in Constantinople designed 537 by Isidore of Miletus, who was influenced by Archimedes' principles of solid geometry is evident.

Byzantine science played an important and crucial role in the transmission of classical knowledge to the Islamic world and to Renaissance Italy.[371][372] Many of the most distinguished classical scholars held high offices in the Eastern Orthodox Church.[373]

The writings of classical antiquity were cultivated and preserved in Byzantium. Therefore, Byzantine science was in every period closely connected with ancient philosophy and metaphysics.[374] In the field of engineering, Isidore of Miletus, the Greek mathematician and architect of the Hagia Sophia, produced the first compilation of Archimedes' works c. 530, and it is through this manuscript tradition, kept alive by the school of mathematics and engineering founded c. 850 during the "Byzantine Renaissance" by Leo the Mathematician, that such works are known today, primarily through the school's production, the Archimedes Palimpsest.[375]

Alexandrian philosopher John Philoponus was the first to question Aristotelian physics. Unlike Aristotle, who based his physics on verbal arguments, Philoponus relied on observations. Philoponus' criticism of the Aristotelian principles of physics was an inspiration for Galileo Galilei's refutation of Aristotelian physics during the Scientific Revolution many centuries later, as Galileo cites Philoponus substantially in his works.[376][377]

The Byzantines pioneered the concept of the hospital as an institution offering medical care and the possibility of a cure for the patients, as a reflection of the ideals of Christian charity, rather than merely being a place to die.[378]

 
Ceramic grenades that were filled with Greek fire, surrounded by caltrops, 10th–12th century, National Historical Museum, Athens, Greece

Greek fire, an incendiary weapon which could even burn on water, is attributed to the Byzantines. It played a crucial role in the empire's victory over the Umayyad Caliphate during the siege of Constantinople (717–718).[379] The discovery is attributed to Callinicus of Heliopolis from Syria who fled during the Arab conquest of Syria. However, it has also been argued that no single person invented Greek fire, but rather, that it was "invented by the chemists in Constantinople who had inherited the discoveries of the Alexandrian chemical school...".[380]

In the final century of the empire, astronomy and other mathematical sciences were taught in Trebizond; medicine attracted the interest of almost all scholars.[373] The Fall of Constantinople in 1453 fuelled the era later commonly known as the "Italian Renaissance". During this period, refugee Byzantine scholars were principally responsible for carrying, in person and writing, ancient Greek grammatical, literary, mathematical, and astronomical knowledge to early Renaissance Italy.[372] They also brought with them classical learning and texts on botany, medicine and zoology, as well as the works of Dioscorides and John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotelian physics.[377]

Legacy

Political aftermath

 
The Eastern Mediterranean just before the Fall of Constantinople

By the time of the fall of Constantinople, the Byzantine Empire, already an empire in name only since the Fourth Crusade, had been reduced to three rump states: the Despotate of the Morea, the Empire of Trebizond and the Principality of Theodoro. The Morea was ruled by the brothers of Constantine XI, Thomas Palaiologos and Demetrios Palaiologos. The despotate continued as an independent state by paying an annual tribute to the Ottomans. Incompetent rule, failure to pay the annual tribute, and a revolt against the Ottomans finally led to Mehmed II's invasion of Morea in May 1460.[381]

A few holdouts remained for a time. In the Morea, the island of Monemvasia came under the pope's protection before the end of 1460, while the Mani Peninsula submitted to Venice.[382] The Empire of Trebizond, which had split away from the Byzantine Empire just weeks before Constantinople was taken by the Crusaders in 1204, became the last remnant of and de facto successor state to the Byzantine Empire. Efforts by Emperor David to recruit European powers for an anti-Ottoman crusade provoked war between the Ottomans and Trebizond in the summer of 1461. After a month-long siege, David surrendered the city of Trebizond on 14 August 1461. Trebizond's Crimean principality, the Principality of Theodoro (part of the Perateia), lasted another 14 years, falling to the Ottomans in December 1475.[383]

Mehmed II and his successors continued to consider themselves heirs to the Roman Empire. They considered that they had shifted their religious basis as Constantine had done before, and they continued to refer to their conquered Eastern Roman inhabitants (Orthodox Christians) as Rûm. This claim gradually faded away as the Ottoman Empire assumed a more Islamic political identity.[384] Meanwhile, the Danubian Principalities (whose rulers also considered themselves the heirs of the Eastern Roman Emperors)[385] harboured Orthodox refugees, including some Byzantine nobles.

At Constantine's death, the role of the emperor as a patron of Eastern Orthodoxy was claimed by Ivan III, Grand Prince of Muscovy. He had married Andreas' sister, Sophia Palaiologina, whose grandson, Ivan IV, would become the first tsar of Russia (tsar, or czar, meaning caesar, is a term traditionally applied by Slavs to the Byzantine emperors). Their successors supported the idea that Moscow was the proper heir to Rome and Constantinople. The idea of the Russian Empire as the successive Third Rome was kept alive until its demise with the Russian Revolution.[386]

Cultural aftermath

Byzantium has been often identified with absolutism, orthodox spirituality, orientalism and exoticism, while the terms "Byzantine" and "Byzantinism" have been used as bywords for decadence, complex bureaucracy, and repression. Both Eastern and Western European authors have often perceived Byzantium as a body of religious, political, and philosophical ideas contrary to those of the West. Even in 19th-century Greece, the focus was mainly on the classical past, while Byzantine tradition had been associated with negative connotations.[387]

 
Monument to St. Cyril and St. Methodius, Byzantine missionaries to the Slavs, on Mt. Radhošť in the Czech Republic
 
The Baptism of Kievans, by the Russian painter Klavdiy Lebedev

This traditional approach towards Byzantium has been partially or wholly disputed and revised by modern studies, which focus on the positive aspects of Byzantine culture and legacy. From the ninth to the twelfth centuries, Byzantine Christianity converted and helped establish multiple nations in what is now Eastern Europe.[388][389] The historian Averil Cameron regards this as undeniable, and both Cameron and Obolensky recognize the major role of Byzantium in shaping Orthodoxy, which in turn occupies a central position in the history, societies and culture of Greece, Romania, Bulgaria, Russia, Georgia, Serbia and other countries.[390] Its use of vernacular language, and the development of the first Slavic written script, increased education and literacy and influenced the direction of the spiritual, religious, and cultural development of the entire region.[391][392][393] The Byzantines also preserved and copied classical manuscripts, and they are thus regarded as transmitters of classical knowledge, as important contributors to modern European civilization, and as precursors of both Renaissance humanism and Slavic-Orthodox culture.[394] The Byzantine law codes form the basis of civil law traditions in much of Europe, Latin America, other countries that follow common law, Ethiopia, and possibly even Islamic countries.[395][396]

As the only stable long-term state in Europe during the Middle Ages, Byzantium isolated Western Europe from newly emerging forces to the East. Constantly under attack, it distanced Western Europe from Persians, Arabs, Seljuk Turks, and for a time, the Ottomans. From a different perspective, since the 7th century, the evolution and constant reshaping of the Byzantine state were directly related to the respective progress of Islam.[394] Following the conquest of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks in 1453, Sultan Mehmed II took the title "Kaysar-i Rûm" (the Ottoman Turkish equivalent of Caesar of Rome), since he was determined to make the Ottoman Empire the heir of the Eastern Roman Empire.[397]

See also

References

Notes

  1. ^ Medieval Greek: Ῥωμαῖοι, romanizedRhōmaîoi
  2. ^ Leo VI was officially the son of Basil I, but a persistent rumour alleged that he had been fathered by Michael III, who had previously taken Leo's mother Eudokia Ingerina as his mistress. One of Leo's first acts was to rebury Michael III in Basil's mausoleum, which exacerbated the rumours.[74]
  3. ^ The historian Sofie Remijsen indicates that there are several reasons to conclude that the Olympic games continued after Theodosius I, as the traditional end day of 393 is linked to his anti-pagan constitution. She argues that the games instead came to an end under Theodosius II when a fire burned down the temple of the Olympian Zeus during his reign.[291] The historian Anthony Kaldellis argues that it's a common misconception that they were banned by decree and that instead the declining interest in chariot games, lack of funding (due to state policies) and hostility from zealots is what led to their end.[292]
  4. ^ This is despite Hellenic culture already having a long influence on Roman identity and the entrenchment of the Greek language in the east since the Hellenistic era.[294]
  5. ^ The first great controversy concerned Arianism and whether Christ's divinity was equal to the Father's. It produced the Nicene Creed as a resolution, yet more problems continued to develop.[311] [312][313] Schisms broke out after the Council of Chalcedon in 451 wrote the Chalcedonian Definition on the human and divine natures of Christ as one ontological entity.[314][315]

Citations

  1. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 2; Aschenbrenner & Ransohoff 2022, pp. 1–2; Cormack 2008, pp. 8–9.
  2. ^ Kaldellis 2022, pp. 349–351; Cormack 2008, p. 4.
  3. ^ Aschenbrenner & Ransohoff 2022, p. 2.
  4. ^ Kaldellis 2022, pp. 352–357.
  5. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 2–3; Cormack 2008, p. 4.
  6. ^ Cameron 2002, pp. 190–191; Kaldellis 2015.
  7. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 34; Shepard 2009, p. 22.
  8. ^ Shepard 2009, p. 26.
  9. ^ Greatrex 2008, p. 232.
  10. ^ Greatrex 2008, p. 233; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 16–17; Treadgold 1997, pp. 4–7.
  11. ^ Greatrex 2008, pp. 233–235; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 17–18; Treadgold 1997, pp. 14–18.
  12. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 34; Treadgold 1997, pp. 39, 45, 85; Rotman 2022, p. 234–235; Greatrex 2008.
  13. ^ Greatrex 2008, p. 335; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 16–20; Treadgold 1997, pp. 39–40.
  14. ^ Greatrex 2008, pp. 335–337; Kaldellis 2023, chapter 2; Treadgold 1997, p. 40.
  15. ^ Greatrex 2008, pp. 336–337; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 81–84; Treadgold 1997, pp. 31–33, 40–47.
  16. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 34; Treadgold 1997, pp. 85–86, 94, 153.
  17. ^ Moser, Muriel (2018). "The Senatorial Officials of Constantius II". Emperor and Senators in the Reign of Constantius II: Maintaining Imperial Rule Between Rome and Constantinople in the Fourth Century AD. Cambridge, New York, Port Melbourne, New Delhi and Singapore: Cambridge University Press. pp. 215–228, 325. doi:10.1017/9781108646086.004. ISBN 978-1-108-64608-6. Retrieved 16 August 2024.
  18. ^ Greatrex 2008, pp. 337–338; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 92–99, 106–111; Treadgold 1997, pp. 52–62.
  19. ^ Greatrex 2008, pp. 239–240; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 114–118, 121–123; Treadgold 1997, pp. 63–67.
  20. ^ Greatrex 2008, p. 240; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 128–129; Treadgold 1997, p. 73.
  21. ^ Greatrex 2008, p. 241; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 129–137; Treadgold 1997, pp. 74–75.
  22. ^ Greatrex 2008, pp. 240–241; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 126–128; Treadgold 1997, pp. 71–74.
  23. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 136.
  24. ^ Greatrex 2008, p. 242; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 165–167; Treadgold 1997, pp. 87–90.
  25. ^ Greatrex 2008, p. 242; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 172–178; Treadgold 1997, pp. 91–92, 96–99; Shepard 2009, p. 23.
  26. ^ Greatrex 2008, pp. 242–243; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 193–196, 200; Treadgold 1997, pp. 94–95, 98.
  27. ^ Greatrex 2008, pp. 243–244; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 209, 214–215; Treadgold 1997, pp. 153, 158–159.
  28. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 243–246.
  29. ^ Greatrex 2008, p. 244; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 220–221; Treadgold 1997, pp. 162–164.
  30. ^ Greatrex 2008, p. 244; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 223–226; Treadgold 1997, pp. 164–173.
  31. ^ Haldon 2008, p. 250; Louth 2009a, p. 106; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 257–258; Treadgold 1997, p. 174.
  32. ^ Louth 2009a, pp. 108–109; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 269–271; Sarris 2002, p. 45; Treadgold 1997, pp. 178–180.
  33. ^ Sarris 2002, pp. 43–45; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 271–274; Louth 2009a, pp. 114–119.
  34. ^ Louth 2009a, pp. 111–114; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 274–277; Sarris 2002, p. 46.
  35. ^ Sarris 2002, p. 46; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 279–283, 287–288, 305–307; Moorhead 2009, pp. 202–209.
  36. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 297; Treadgold 1997, pp. 193–194; Haldon 2008, pp. 252–253.
  37. ^ Sarris 2002, p. 49; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 298–301.
  38. ^ Treadgold 1997, pp. 196–207; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 298–299, 305–306; Moorhead 2009, pp. 207–208.
  39. ^ Treadgold 1997, pp. 210–211, 214; Louth 2009a, pp. 117–118; Haldon 2008, p. 253.
  40. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 318–319; Treadgold 1997, p. 217; Sarris 2002, p. 51.
  41. ^ Sarris 2002, p. 51; Haldon 2008, p. 254; Treadgold 1997, pp. 220–222.
  42. ^ Louth 2009a, pp. 124–127; Haldon 2008, p. 254; Sarris 2002, p. 51.
  43. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 336–338; Treadgold 1997, pp. 232–235; Haldon 2008, p. 254.
  44. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 347–350; Haldon 2008, p. 254; Louth 2009b, pp. 226–227; Treadgold 1997, p. 241.
  45. ^ Haldon 2008, pp. 254–255; Treadgold 1997, pp. 287–293; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 351–355.
  46. ^ Sarris 2002, pp. 56–58; Haldon 2008, p. 255; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 364–367, 369, 372; Louth 2009b, pp. 227–229; Treadgold 1997, pp. 397–400.
  47. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 375; Haldon 2008, p. 256; Louth 2009b, pp. 229–230.
  48. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 387; Haldon 2008, p. 256; Treadgold 2002, p. 129.
  49. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 387.
  50. ^ Haldon 2008, p. 257; Kaldellis 2023, p. 387.
  51. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 389; Louth 2009b, pp. 230–231.
  52. ^ Treadgold 1997, pp. 315–316; Louth 2009b, pp. 239–240.
  53. ^ Treadgold 1997, pp. 323–327; Haldon 2008, p. 257; Louth 2009b, pp. 232–233.
  54. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 403; Haldon 2008, pp. 257–258; Treadgold 2002, pp. 134–135.
  55. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 403; Treadgold 2002, p. 135.
  56. ^ Treadgold 2002, pp. 136–138; Haldon 2008, p. 257; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 438–440.
  57. ^ Treadgold 2002, pp. 137–138; Haldon 2008, p. 257; Auzépy 2009, p. 265.
  58. ^ Haldon 2008, pp. 258–259; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 443, 451–452; Auzépy 2009, pp. 255–260.
  59. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 444–445; Auzépy 2009, pp. 275–276.
  60. ^ Auzépy 2009, pp. 265–273; Kaegi 2009, pp. 385–385; Kaldellis 2023, p. 450.
  61. ^ Haldon 2008, p. 260; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 450–454; Treadgold 2002, pp. 140–141.
  62. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 443, 447–449, 454–459; Haldon 2008, pp. 258–261; Auzépy 2009, pp. 253–254.
  63. ^ Treadgold 2002, pp. 140–141; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 459–561; Auzépy 2009, pp. 284–287.
  64. ^ Haldon 2008, p. 261; Treadgold 2002, pp. 141–142; Magdalino 2002, p. 170.
  65. ^ Haldon 2008, p. 261; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 464–469.
  66. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 470–473; Magdalino 2002, pp. 169–171; Haldon 2008, p. 261.
  67. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 473–474, 478–481.
  68. ^ Holmes 2008, p. 265; Auzépy 2009, pp. 257, 259, 289; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 482–483, 485–491.
  69. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 491–495; Holmes 2008, p. 265; Auzépy 2009, pp. 273–274.
  70. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 498–501; Holmes 2008, p. 266.
  71. ^ Holmes 2008, pp. 265–266; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 504–505; Auzépy 2009, p. 254; Tougher 2009, pp. 292–293, 296.
  72. ^ Tougher 2009, pp. 292, 296; Holmes 2008, p. 266.
  73. ^ Holmes 2008, p. 266; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 522–524; Treadgold 1997, pp. 455–458.
  74. ^ Tougher 2009, p. 296; Kaldellis 2023, p. 526.
  75. ^ Shepard 2009b, pp. 493, 496–498; Kaldellis 2023, p. 267; Holmes 2008.
  76. ^ Holmes 2008, p. 267; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 534–535.
  77. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 537–539; Holmes 2008, p. 267; Shepard 2009b, p. 503.
  78. ^ Shepard 2009b, p. 505; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 540–543; Holmes 2008, p. 267.
  79. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 543–544; Shepard 2009b, pp. 505–507.
  80. ^ Shepard 2009b, pp. 508–509; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 546–552; Holmes 2008, p. 268.
  81. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 553–555; Holmes 2008, p. 268.
  82. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 563–573; Holmes 2008, p. 268–269; Magdalino 2002, p. 176.
  83. ^ Holmes 2008, pp. 268.
  84. ^ Shepard 2009b, pp. 522–526; Magdalino 2002, p. 202; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 573–578.
  85. ^ Shepard 2009b, pp. 526, 531; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 578–579; Holmes 2008, p. 269.
  86. ^ Holmes 2008, p. 269; Shepard 2009b, pp. 526–29; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 579–582.
  87. ^ Shepard 2009b, p. 529; Holmes 2008, p. 271.
  88. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 584; Holmes 2008, pp. 270–271; Magdalino 2002, p. 180.
  89. ^ Shepard 2009b, pp. 531–536; Holmes 2008, p. 271.
  90. ^ Magdalino 2002, pp. 202–203; Holmes 2008, pp. 271–272; Angold 2009, pp. 587–588; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 588–589.
  91. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 590, 593; Magdalino 2002, pp. 181–182; Angold 2009, pp. 587–598.
  92. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 602.
  93. ^ Holmes 2008, pp. 272–273; Magdalino 2002, p. 182; Kaldellis 2023, p. 636.
  94. ^ Holmes 2008, p. 273; Magdalino 2002, pp. 184–185, 189.
  95. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 629–637; Angold 2009, pp. 609–610.
  96. ^ Holmes 2008, pp. 273–274; Angold 2009, p. 611.
  97. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 639–642; Holmes 2008, p. 275; Magdalino 2002, p. 190.
  98. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 642–644; Holmes 2008, p. 275; Angold 2009, pp. 611–612.
  99. ^ Holmes 2008, p. 275; Magdalino 2002, p. 190; Angold 2009, p. 621–623.
  100. ^ Holmes 2008, pp. 274–275; Angold 2009, pp. 612–613, 619–621, 623–625; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 645–647, 659–663.
  101. ^ Holmes 2008, p. 274; Magdalino 2009, pp. 629–630.
  102. ^ Holmes 2008, p. 275; Magdalino 2009, pp. 631–633; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 664–670.
  103. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 669; Holmes 2008, p. 275.
  104. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 670, 676–677; Magdalino 2009, pp. 644–646.
  105. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 678, 683–688; Holmes 2008, pp. 275–276.
  106. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 679–681; Magdalino 2009, pp. 637–638.
  107. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 682–683; Magdalino 2002, p. 194; Magdalino 2009, pp. 638–641.
  108. ^ Magdalino 2009, pp. 643–644; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 692–693.
  109. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 695.
  110. ^ Magdalino 2002, p. 194; Holmes 2008, p. 276.
  111. ^ Holmes 2008, p. 276; Magdalino 2002, pp. 194–195; Magdalino 2009, p. 655.
  112. ^ Magdalino 2002, pp. 195–196; Magdalino 2009, pp. 648–651; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 706–710.
  113. ^ Holmes 2008, p. 276.
  114. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 718–720; Magdalino 2009, pp. 651–652.
  115. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 720–724; Magdalino 2009, pp. 652–653.
  116. ^ Laiou 2008, p. 280; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 733–734; Reinert 2002, pp. 250–253; Angold 2009b, p. 731.
  117. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 755–758; Angold 2009b, p. 737.
  118. ^ Laiou 2008, p. 283; Reinert 2002, p. 254; Angold 2009b, pp. 737–738; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 766–770.
  119. ^ Reinert 2002, p. 253; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 760–762.
  120. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 771; Laiou 2008, pp. 282–283.
  121. ^ Angold 2009b, p. 740; Laiou 2008, pp. 282–283; Kaldellis 2023, p. 772.
  122. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 774–781; Reinert 2002, p. 254.
  123. ^ Laiou 2008, p. 283; Reinert 2002, p. 254.
  124. ^ Reinert 2002, p. 257.
  125. ^ Reinert 2002, p. 261.
  126. ^ Reinert 2002, p. 268.
  127. ^ Vasilʹev, Aleksandr Aleksandrovich (1964). History of the Byzantine Empire, 324–1453. Madison, Wisconsin and London: Univ of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-80925-6. Archived from the original on 8 August 2021. Retrieved 19 July 2021.
  128. ^ Reinert 2002, p. 270.
  129. ^ Runciman 1990, pp. 84–86.
  130. ^ Runciman 1990, pp. 84–85.
  131. ^ Hindley 2004, p. 300.
  132. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 35, 189, 222; Nicol 1988, p. 63; Howard-Johnston 2024, p. 8.
  133. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 35; Howard-Johnston 2024, p. 8; Browning 1992, p. 98.
  134. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 338; Treadgold 1997, p. 326; Nicol 1988, p. 64.
  135. ^ Nicol 1988, p. 63.
  136. ^ Louth 2005, pp. 306–308; Treadgold 1997, pp. 82–83.
  137. ^ Louth 2005, p. 303; Treadgold 1997, pp. 430–431; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 418, 421.
  138. ^ Browning 1992, p. 98; Kaldellis 2023, p. 185.
  139. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 397, 407–409, 536; Howard-Johnston 2024, p. 67; Browning 1992, p. 98.
  140. ^ Obolensky 1994, p. 3.
  141. ^ Zhang 2023, p. 221; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 322–323, 325, 366–367, 511.
  142. ^ Neumann 2006, pp. 4–5; Chrysos 1990, p. 35; Shepherd 1990, pp. 61–66.
  143. ^ Zhang 2023, p. 221; Sinnigen 1963, p. [1]; Haldon 1990, pp. 281–282; Shepherd 1990, pp. 65–67.
  144. ^ Whitby 2008, pp. 122–123.
  145. ^ Haldon 1990, p. 283.
  146. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 309; Whitby 2008, pp. 122–123, 125.
  147. ^ Haldon 1990, p. 282.
  148. ^ Chrysos 1990, pp. 25, 36; Haldon 1990, p. 289.
  149. ^ Haldon 1990, p. 289; Chrysos 1990, pp. 25, 33, 35; Neumann 2006, pp. 4–5.
  150. ^ Chrysos 1990, pp. 33, 35; Neumann 2006, pp. 4–5; Kaldellis 2023, p. 338.
  151. ^ Kazhdan 1990, p. 4; Kennedy 1990, pp. 134, 137, 143.
  152. ^ Kazhdan 1990, pp. 7, 10; Kennedy 1990, p. 134; Chrysos 1990, pp. 28–29; Howard-Johnston 2008, p. 949; Haldon 1990, pp. 286, 949.
  153. ^ Howard-Johnston 2008, p. 949.
  154. ^ Kazhdan 1990, pp. 5, 11, 13, 20.
  155. ^ Kazhdan 1990, pp. 20–21.
  156. ^ Howard-Johnston 2008, p. 945; Oikonomides 1990, p. 74-77.
  157. ^ Chitwood 2017, p. 16; Stein 1999, pp. 3–4, 8, 16; Longchamps de Berier 2014, pp. 217–218.
  158. ^ Stein 1999, pp. 14, 16.
  159. ^ Gregory 2010, p. 135; Kaldellis 2023, p. 168; Stein 1999, p. 27.
  160. ^ Dingledy 2019, pp. 2–14; Kaiser 2015, p. 120.
  161. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 168; Stein 1999, pp. 14, 16, 28; Kaiser 2015, p. 120.
  162. ^ Gregory 2010, p. 135; Stein 1999, pp. 33–35; Dingledy 2019, pp. 2–14; Kaiser 2015, pp. 123–126.
  163. ^ MerrymanPérez-Perdomo 2007, p. 8; Stein 1999, p. 21.
  164. ^ Stolte 2015, pp. 356, 370.
  165. ^ Stolte, Bernard (2018). Pihlajamäki, Heikki; Dubber, Markus D.; Godfrey, Mark (eds.). Byzantine Law. Vol. 1. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 231–232. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198785521.013.10.
  166. ^ Chitwood 2017, p. 23.
  167. ^ Chitwood 2017, p. 185.
  168. ^ Chitwood 2017, p. 185; Nicol 1988, p. 65.
  169. ^ Chitwood 2017, pp. 23, 132, 364.
  170. ^ Browning 1992, p. 97; Kaldellis 2023, p. 529; Chitwood 2017, pp. 25–32, 44.
  171. ^ Browning 1992, pp. 97–98; Chitwood 2017, pp. 32–35; Kaldellis 2023, p. 529.
  172. ^ Stein 1999, p. 35.
  173. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 59, 194; Haldan 2008, p. 554; Treadgold 1997, p. 50.
  174. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 331.
  175. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 454–455; Haldan 2008, p. 555.
  176. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 421–422, 437; Haldan 2008, pp. 555–556; Treadgold 1997, pp. 430–431; Neville 2004, p. 7.
  177. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 562; Treadgold 1995, p. 206.
  178. ^ Haldan 2008, p. 555; Treadgold 1997, pp. 281, 432, 489.
  179. ^ Haldan 2008, p. 556; Blöndal 1979, pp. 17, 20–22, 178–179.
  180. ^ Kaldellis 2021a, p. 463; Haldan 2008, p. 556; Treadgold 1997, pp. 730–734, 737; Treadgold 1995, p. 29.
  181. ^ Kaldellis 2021a, p. 463; Haldan 2008, p. 555; Treadgold 1997, pp. 735–736.
  182. ^ Haldan 2008, p. 557; Treadgold 1997, pp. 737, 794–796, 810.
  183. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 634; Haldan 2008, p. 557.
  184. ^ Haldan 2008, p. 557; Treadgold 1997, pp. 825–826.
  185. ^ Haldan 2008, p. 557; Treadgold 1997, pp. 905–906.
  186. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 562, 656; Pryor 2002.
  187. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 399, 442; Blöndal 1979, p. 29; Haldan 2008, p. 555.
  188. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 502; Blöndal 1979, pp. 16, 29–30; Haldan 2008, p. 560.
  189. ^ Pryor 2002, p. 487; Pryor 2017, p. 401; Markis 2002a, p. 92.
  190. ^ MacGeorge, Penny (2002). Late Roman warlords. Oxford classical monographs. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. p. 311. ISBN 978-0-19-925244-2.
  191. ^ Pryor 2002, p. 488; Pryor 2017, p. 403; Markis 2002a, p. 93.
  192. ^ Pryor 2002, p. 489.
  193. ^ Howard-Johnston, James (2008b). "John H. Pryor and Elizabeth M. Jeffreys, The Age of the ΔPOMΩN: the Byzantine Navy ca. 500–1204. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2006. Pp. lxxvii, 754". Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies. 32 (2): 240. doi:10.1017/S030701310000536X. ISSN 0307-0131.
  194. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 489; Blöndal 1979, p. 29; Treadgold 1995, p. 33; Howard-Johnston 2008, p. 947.
  195. ^ Pryor 2002, p. 489; Pryor 2017, pp. 404, 408.
  196. ^ Haldan 2008, p. 558; Treadgold 1997, pp. 975, 1084.
  197. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 812, 860–861; Treadgold 1997, pp. 989, 1024.
  198. ^ Haldan 2008, p. 558.
  199. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 1881; Haldan 2008, p. 559; Treadgold 1997, p. 1112.
  200. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 896; Haldan 2008, pp. 558–559.
  201. ^ Treadgold 1997, pp. 197, 384–385; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 21–22; Stathakopoulos 2008, p. 310.
  202. ^ Stathakopoulos 2008, p. 312; Treadgold 1997, pp. 931–932.
  203. ^ Stathakopoulos 2008, p. 313; Treadgold 1997, p. 1112.
  204. ^ Stathakopoulos 2008, pp. 310, 314; Stathakopoulos 2023, p. 31; Kaldellis 2023, p. 21.
  205. ^ Markopoulos 2008, p. 786; Jeffreys 2008, p. 798.
  206. ^ Markopoulos 2008, p. 789.
  207. ^ Demetrios Constantelos. "The Formation of the Hellenic Christian Mind". Christian Hellenism: Essays and Studies in Continuity and Change. 1998: A. D. Caratzas. ISBN 978-0-89241-588-5: "The fifth century marked a definite turning point in Byzantine higher education. Theodosios ΙΙ founded in 425 a major university with 31 chairs for law, philosophy, medicine, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, music, rhetoric and other subjects. Fifteen chairs were assigned to Latin and 16 to Greek. The university was reorganized by Michael III (842–867) and flourished down to the fourteenth century".
  208. ^ Rosser, John H. (2011). Historical Dictionary of Byzantium. Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press. p. xxx. ISBN 9780810874770.
  209. ^ Kazhdan, Alexander Petrovich; Wharton, Annabel Jane (1990). Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries. Transformation of the Classical Heritage. Vol. 7. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press. p. 122. ISBN 9780520069626.
  210. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 40; Rotman 2022, p. 32; Lavan 2016, pp. 16, 19.
  211. ^ Rotman 2009, pp. 18, 179; Rotman 2022, p. 59.
  212. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 39; Lenski 2021, pp. 473–474.
  213. ^ Rotman 2009, pp. 30–31; Kaldellis 2023, p. 425; Rotman 2022, p. 42; Lenski 2021, p. 470.
  214. ^ "Review of: Response: Rotman on Lenski on Youval Rotman, Byzantine Slavery and the Mediterranean World". Bryn Mawr Classical Review. ISSN 1055-7660. Archived from the original on 9 January 2024. Retrieved 9 January 2024.
  215. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 140; Rotman 2009, Chapter 2; Rotman 2022, pp. 37–38, 53; Lenski 2021, pp. 461–462.
  216. ^ Harper, Kyle (2010). "Slave Prices in Late Antiquity (and in the Very Long Term)". Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. 59 (2): 237. doi:10.25162/historia-2010-0013. ISSN 0018-2311. JSTOR 27809564. S2CID 160720781.
  217. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 40; Rotman 2022, p. 53; Lenski 2021, pp. 467–468.
  218. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 38; Brandes 2008, p. 563.
  219. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 39; Harvey 2008, p. 329.
  220. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 39; Harvey 2008, p. 331.
  221. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 444; Rotman 2022, p. 85; Lenski 2021, pp. 464–465.
  222. ^ Talbot 1997, p. 121; Kazhdan 1990a, p. 132.
  223. ^ Rotman 2022, p. 83; Talbot 1997, p. 121.
  224. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 41; Stathakopoulos 2008, pp. 309, 313.
  225. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 88, 321, 444, 529, 588, 769; Talbot 1997, pp. 119, 122, 128.
  226. ^ Harris 2017, p. 13; Kaldellis 2023, p. 41; Garland 2006, p. xiv.
  227. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 40.
  228. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 40, 592; Stephenson 2010, p. 66.
  229. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 40, 592; Talbot 1997, p. 129; Garland 2006, p. xvi.
  230. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 40; Talbot 1997, pp. 118–119.
  231. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 40; Talbot 1997, pp. 126–127; Karras 2004, pp. 309–314.
  232. ^ Talbot 1997, pp. 130–131; Harris 2017, p. 133; Garland 2006, p. xiv; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 40–41.
  233. ^ Talbot 1997, p. 131; Kazhdan 1990a, p. 136.
  234. ^ Grosdidier de Matons 1967, pp. 23–25; Garland 1999, pp. 11–39.
  235. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 40; Karras 2004, p. 310.
  236. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 529; Harris 2017, p. 133.
  237. ^ Dawkins, R.M. (1916). Modern Greek in Asia Minor. A study of the dialects of Sílli, Cappadocia and Phárasa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  238. ^ Rochette 2023, p. 285; Goldhill 2024, p. 850.
  239. ^ Dickey, Eleanor (2023). Latin Loanwords in Ancient Greek: A Lexicon and Analysis (1st ed.). Cambridge, New York, Port Melbourne, New Delhi and Singapore: Cambridge University Press. p. 4. doi:10.1017/9781108888387. ISBN 978-1-108-88838-7. S2CID 258920619. Archived from the original on 9 February 2024. Retrieved 21 December 2023.
  240. ^ Rochette 2018, p. 108; Millar 2006, pp. 97–98; Treadgold 1997, p. 5–7.
  241. ^ Bryce 1901, p. 59; McDonnell 2006, p. 77; Millar 2006, pp. 97–98; Oikonomides 1999, pp. 12–13.
  242. ^ Rochette 2023, pp. 263, 268; Rochette 2018, pp. 114–115, 118; Wallace-Hadrill 1998, pp. 80–83.
  243. ^ Rochette 2011, pp. 560, 562–563; Rochette 2018, p. 109.
  244. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 191; Rochette 2023, p. 283; Rochette 2011, p. 562.
  245. ^ Wickham, Chris (2009). The inheritance of Rome: a history of Europe from 400 to 1000. New York: Viking Penguin. p. 90. ISBN 978-0-670-02098-0.
  246. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 289; Rochette 2011, p. 562; Rochette 2023, p. 283.
  247. ^ Oikonomides 1999, pp. 12–13.
  248. ^ Pei, Mario; Gaeng, Paul A. (1976). The story of Latin and the Romance languages. New York: Harper & Row. pp. 76–81. ISBN 978-0-06-013312-2.
  249. ^ Sedlar 1994, pp. 403–440.
  250. ^ Apostolides 1887, pp. 25–26; Rochette 2023, p. 283.
  251. ^ Rance, Philip (2010). "The De Militari Scientia or Müller Fragment as a philological resource. Latin in the East Roman army and two new loanwords in Greek: palmarium and *recala". Glotta. 86 (1–4): 63–64. doi:10.13109/glot.2010.86.14.63. ISSN 0017-1298. JSTOR 41219881. Archived from the original on 7 April 2023. Retrieved 23 December 2023.
  252. ^ Runciman, Steven (1933). Byzantine Civilisation. London: Methuen. p. 232.
  253. ^ Oikonomides 1999, p. 20; Harris 2014, p. 12.
  254. ^ Beaton 1996, p. 10; Jones 1986, pp. 991–997; Versteegh 1977, p. 1; Harris 2014, p. 12.
  255. ^ Kaldellis 2007, p. 95; Nicol 1993, pp. 1–2.
  256. ^ a b c Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 24.
  257. ^ a b Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 25.
  258. ^ Laiou & Morrisson 2007, pp. 29–30.
  259. ^ Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 26.
  260. ^ Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 27.
  261. ^ Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 23.
  262. ^ Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 39.
  263. ^ Laiou & Morrisson 2007, pp. 3, 45, 49–50, 231; Magdalino 2002b, p. 532.
  264. ^ a b Laiou & Morrisson 2007, pp. 90–91, 127, 166–169, 203–204; Magdalino 2002b, p. 535.
  265. ^ Matschke 2002, pp. 805–806.
  266. ^ a b Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 18; Laiou 2002a, pp. 3–4.
  267. ^ Laiou & Morrisson 2007, p. 13; Laiou 2002b, p. 723.
  268. ^ Shepard 2009; Ball 2005, p. 4; Dawsom 2006, pp. 41, 43.
  269. ^ Ball 2005, pp. 57, 75–76, 118–119.
  270. ^ Ball 2005, pp. 35, 177.
  271. ^ Ball 2005, pp. 12, 29.
  272. ^ Ball 2005, pp. 24, 30, 32, 34; Dawsom 2006, p. 43.
  273. ^ Ball 2005, p. 9.
  274. ^ Ball 2005, p. 6.
  275. ^ Ash 1995, p. 244; Bryer 2008, p. 673-675; Decker 2008, p. 496.
  276. ^ Ash 1995, p. 244; Davidson 2014, p. 123; Bryer 2008, p. 671; Faas 2005, p. 184-185; Vryonis 1971, p. 482; Salaman 1986, p. 184.
  277. ^ "Internet History Sourcebooks Project". 17 October 2014. p. 47. Archived from the original on 17 October 2014. Retrieved 2 December 2024.
  278. ^ Davidson 2014, p. 123.
  279. ^ Bryer 2008, pp. 672–673.
  280. ^ Unwin, P. T. H. (2010). Wine and the vine: an historical geography of viticulture and the wine trade. London: Routledge. p. 185. ISBN 978-0-415-14416-2.
  281. ^ Austin 1934, pp. 202–205.
  282. ^ Jeffreys 2008a, pp. 681–682; Kaldellis 2023, p. 13, 138.
  283. ^ Jeffreys 2008a, p. 680.
  284. ^ Jeffreys 2008a, pp. 678–683; Kaldellis 2023, p. 187, 233.
  285. ^ Kazhdan 1991a, p. 2137, "Tzykanisterion"; Kazanaki-Lappa 2002, p. 643; Jeffreys 2008a, p. 683; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 672, 844.
  286. ^ Austin 1934, pp. 202–205; Jeffreys 2008a, p. 683.
  287. ^ Beard 2015, pp. 165, 521, 527–533; Spawforth 1993, p. 254; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 19–20, 60, 71; Lavan 2016, pp. 32, 34.
  288. ^ Heller, Anna; Pont, Anne-Valérie (2012). Patrie d'origine et patries électives: les citoyennetés multiples dans le monde grec d'époque romaine actes du colloque international de Tours, 6–7 novembre 2009 [Homeland of origin and elective homelands: multiple citizenships in the Greek world during the Roman period; proceedings of the international conference of Tours, 6–7 November 2009]. Scripta antiqua (in French). Bordeaux Pessac Paris: Ausonius éd. diff. de Boccard. pp. 79–98 [85–88]. ISBN 978-2-35613-061-7. Referenced with commentary by Christina Kokkinia in "Review of: Law, Language, and Empire in the Roman Tradition. Empire and After". Bryn Mawr Classical Review. ISSN 1055-7660. and Ando, Clifford (2011). Law, language, and empire in the Roman tradition. Empire and after. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 46. doi:10.9783/9780812204889. ISBN 978-0-8122-4354-3. Referenced with commentary by Christina Kokkinia in "Review of: Law, Language, and Empire in the Roman Tradition. Empire and After". Bryn Mawr Classical Review. ISSN 1055-7660.
  289. ^ Adams, J. N. (2003). "'Romanitas' and the Latin Language". The Classical Quarterly. 53 (1): 185–186, 205. doi:10.1093/cq/53.1.184. ISSN 0009-8388.
  290. ^ FriellWilliams 2005, p. 121; Greatrex 2008, p. 236; Kaldellis 2023, pp. 138, 178; Treadgold 1997, pp. 72, 94, 113; Salzman 1993, p. 364.
  291. ^ Remijsen, Sofie (2015). The End of Greek Athletics in Late Antiquity. Cambridge University Press. pp. 47–49. doi:10.1017/cbo9781107279636. ISBN 978-1-107-27963-6.
  292. ^ Kaldellis 2023, p. 138.
  293. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 25, 67–68, 179, 181, 340; Treadgold 1997, pp. 71, 252–253.
  294. ^ Wallace-Hadrill 1998, pp. 79–91; Goldhill 2024, pp. 847–848; Rochette 2018, p. 108; Millar 2006, pp. 97–98; Treadgold 1997, pp. 5–7.
  295. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 111, 180; Jones 1986, p. 991; Treadgold 1997, pp. 27–28, 175–176.
  296. ^ Kaldellis 2023, pp. 141, 186, 342.
  297. ^ Fousek et al 2018, p. 3/14, Fig. 1.
  298. ^ Papaconstantinou 2016, p. xxxii; Cameron 2016, p. 31; Cameron 2006b, pp. 544–551; Drake 2007, pp. 418, 422.
  299. ^ Salzman 1993, p. 364; Drake 2007, pp. 412, 414, 425.
  300. ^ Salzman 1993, p. 364; Drake 2007, pp. 425.
  301. ^ Cameron 2017, A United Church, chapter 1.
  302. ^ a b Brown 1976, p. 2.
  303. ^ a b c Matthews & Platt 1997, p. 181.
  304. ^ Brown 1976, p. 8.
  305. ^ Drake 2007, p. 418.
  306. ^ Olson 1999, p. 14.
  307. ^ Lieu 2007, pp. 293–294.
  308. ^ Adams 2021, pp. 366–367.
  309. ^ Micheau 2006, p. 375.
  310. ^ Bussell 1910, p. 346.
  311. ^ Goodman 2007, pp. 30–32.
  312. ^ Berndt & Steinacher 2014, p. 9.
  313. ^ Sabo 2018, p. vii.
  314. ^ Löhr 2007, abstract.
  315. ^ Cross 2001, p. 363.
  316. ^ Casiday & Norris 2007a, pp. 1–3.
  317. ^ Nicholson 1960, pp. 54, 60.
  318. ^ Louth 2008, p. 47.
  319. ^ Kolbaba 2008, pp. 213–215.
  320. ^ Kolbaba 2008, pp. 214.
  321. ^ Kolbaba 2008, pp. 214, 223.
  322. ^ Meyendorff 1979, p. intro..
  323. ^ Lorenzetti 2023.
  324. ^ Rahner 2013, pp. xiii, xiv.
  325. ^ Brown 2008, pp. 6–8.
  326. ^ Kolbaba 2008, pp. 214, 223; Meyendorff 1979, p. intro.; Lorenzetti 2023.
  327. ^ Dowley 2018, pp. 342–343.
  328. ^ Kitromilides 2006, p. 187.
  329. ^ Kitromilides 2006, pp. 187, 191.
  330. ^ a b Kenworthy 2008, p. 173.
  331. ^ De Lange, Nicholas (2018). "Byzantium". In Chazan, Robert (ed.). The Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. 6: The Middle Ages: The Christian World. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. pp. 76–97. doi:10.1017/9781139048880.005. ISBN 978-0-521-51724-9. Retrieved 2 September 2024.
  332. ^ Ousterhout, Robert (2021). "Middle Byzantine Church Architecture". In Freeman, Evan (ed.). A Smarthistory Guide to Byzantine Art. Archived from the original on 29 December 2023. Retrieved 30 December 2023.
  333. ^ Hurmuziadis, George D. (1979). Cultura Greciei [Greek Culture] (in Romanian). Bucharest: Editura științifică și enciclopedică. pp. 92, 93. OCLC 64273966.
  334. ^ Hopkins, Owen (2014). Architectural Styles: A Visual Guide. London: Laurence King. p. 17. ISBN 978-1-78067-163-5.
  335. ^ Fortenberry, Diane (2017). The Art Museum. New York: Phaidon. p. 108. ISBN 978-0-7148-7502-6.
  336. ^ Fortenberry, Diane (2017). The Art Museum. New York: Phaidon. p. 114. ISBN 978-0-7148-7502-6.
  337. ^ Weitzmann 1979, pp. xix–xx.
  338. ^ Weitzmann 1979, p. xix.
  339. ^ Fortenberry, Diane (2017). The Art Museum. New York: Phaidon. p. 115. ISBN 978-0-7148-7502-6.
  340. ^ Matthews & Platt 1997, pp. 181, 185.
  341. ^ Halsall 2021.
  342. ^ Matthews & Platt 1997, p. 185.
  343. ^ Louth 2008, p. 46.
  344. ^ Cameron 2017, Icons and Iconoclasm, chapter 5.
  345. ^ Rice 1968, pp. 62–64.
  346. ^ Rice 1968, Chapter 17; Weitzmann 1982, Chapters 2–7; Evans 2004, pp. 389–555.
  347. ^ Jones, Muffet (1 May 2020). "9.1: Early Byzantine Art". Humanities LibreTexts. Archived from the original on 13 March 2024. Retrieved 1 September 2024.
  348. ^ Rice 1968, p. 524See also Chapter 16.
  349. ^ a b c Browning 2022, § para. 1.
  350. ^ Papaioannou 2021a, pp. 1–2, 5–7.
  351. ^ Browning 1991a.
  352. ^ Papaioannou 2021a, p. 10.
  353. ^ Kazhdan 1999, p. 1; van Dieten 1980, pp. 101–105.
  354. ^ Browning 2022, § paras. 1–2; Kaldellis 2021, pp. 162–163.
  355. ^ a b c d e f Kazhdan 1991b, p. 1236.
  356. ^ Martín 2021, p. 685.
  357. ^ Kazhdan 1991b, pp. 1236–1237.
  358. ^ a b Kazhdan 1991b, p. 1237.
  359. ^ Ring, Trudy (1994). International Dictionary of Historic Places: Middle East and Africa. Vol. 4. London and New York: Taylor & Francis. p. 318. ISBN 978-1-884964-03-9. Archived from the original on 9 June 2019. Retrieved 23 October 2016.
  360. ^ "Byzantine Music". The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia (6th ed.). Archived from the original on 4 June 2024.
  361. ^ Ecumenical Patriarchate. "Byzantine Music". Archived from the original on 16 April 2016. Retrieved 23 November 2014.
  362. ^ Kartomi 1990, p. 124.
  363. ^ "lira". Encyclopædia Britannica. 2009. Archived from the original on 1 August 2009. Retrieved 2 June 2022.
  364. ^ Arkenberg, Rebecca (October 2002). "Renaissance Violins". Metropolitan Museum of Art. Archived from the original on 7 March 2021. Retrieved 22 September 2006.
  365. ^ Journal of Sport History, Vol. 8, No. 3 (Winter, 1981) p. 44 Archived 22 June 2017 at the Wayback Machine.
  366. ^ a b Bush, Douglas Earl; Kassel, Richard (eds.). The Organ: An Encyclopedia. London and New York: Routledge. 2006. ISBN 978-0-415-94174-7. p. 327 Archived 30 May 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  367. ^ Howard, Albert A. (1893). "The Αὐλός or Tibia". Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. 4: 1–60. doi:10.2307/310399. ISSN 0073-0688. JSTOR 310399.
  368. ^ Flood, William Henry Grattan. The story of the bagpipe. Рипол Классик. ISBN 978-1-176-34422-8. Archived from the original on 26 February 2017. Retrieved 23 October 2016.
  369. ^ Miller, Terry E.; Shahriari, Andrew (19 December 2016). World Music: A Global Journey. Oxford and New York: Taylor & Francis. p. 51. doi:10.4324/9781315692791. ISBN 978-1-317-43437-5.
  370. ^ Touliatos-Miles, Diane H. (1 January 2010). "Byzantine instruments". The Oxford Dictionary of the Middle Ages. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acref/9780198662624.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-866262-4. Retrieved 1 September 2024.
  371. ^ Saliba, George (27 April 2006). "Islamic Science and the Making of Renaissance Europe". Library of Congress. Archived from the original on 29 June 2006. Retrieved 1 March 2008.
  372. ^ a b Robins 1993, p. 8.
  373. ^ a b Tatakes & Moutafakis 2003, p. 189.
  374. ^ Anastos 1962, p. 409.
  375. ^ Alexander Jones, "Book Review, Archimedes Manuscript" Archived 2 March 2022 at the Wayback Machine American Mathematical Society, May 2005.
  376. ^ Wildberg, Christian (2018). Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University. Archived from the original on 22 August 2019. Retrieved 8 March 2018 – via Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  377. ^ a b Lindberg, David (1992). The Beginnings of Western Science. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 162. ISBN 9780226482057.
  378. ^ Lindberg, David (1992). The Beginnings of Western Science. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 349. ISBN 9780226482057.
  379. ^ "Greek fire | weaponry". Encyclopedia Britannica. Archived from the original on 10 March 2018. Retrieved 1 March 2018.
  380. ^ Partington, J. R. (1999). A History of Greek Fire and Gunpowder. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 13. ISBN 9780801859540.
  381. ^ Russell, Eugenia (2013). Literature and Culture in Late Byzantine Thessalonica. London and New York: Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-4411-5584-9. Archived from the original on 28 June 2018. Retrieved 2 October 2020.
  382. ^ Miller 1907, p. 236.
  383. ^ Nicol, Donald MacGillivray (2004). The last centuries of Byzantium, 1261–1453 (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 407–408. ISBN 978-0-521-43991-6.
  384. ^ Üre, Pinar (2020). Reclaiming Byzantium: Russia, Turkey and the Archaeological Claim to the Middle East in the 19th Century. London and New York: Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-78831-012-3.
  385. ^ Clark 2000, p. 213.
  386. ^ Seton-Watson 1967, p. 31.
  387. ^ Cameron 2009, pp. 277–281.
  388. ^ Shepard 2006, pp. 4–5, 7–8.
  389. ^ Harris 2014, p. 7.
  390. ^ Cameron 2009, pp. 186–277.
  391. ^ Poppe 1991, p. 25.
  392. ^ Ivanič 2016, p. 127.
  393. ^ Schaff 1953, pp. 161–162.
  394. ^ a b Cameron 2009, p. 261.
  395. ^ MerrymanPérez-Perdomo 2007, pp. 10–11; Stolte 2015, pp. 367–368; Stein 1999, p. 36.
  396. ^ Salogubova, Elena; Zenkov, Alan (15 June 2018). "Roman law 's influence on russian civil law and procedure". Russian Law Journal. 6 (2): 118–133. doi:10.17589/2309-8678-2018-6-2-118-133 (inactive 1 November 2024). ISSN 2312-3605.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of November 2024 (link)
  397. ^ Bideleux & Jeffries 1998, p. 71; Béhar 1999, p. 38.

Sources