Wikipedia

Coup d'état

(Redirected from Coup-proofing)
"Counter-coup" and "Coup" redirect here. For the injury type, see Coup contrecoup injury. For other uses, see Coup (disambiguation) and Coup d'état (disambiguation).

A coup d'état (/ˌkuːdeɪˈtɑː/ ⓘ; French: [ku deta]; lit. 'stroke of state'),[1] or simply a coup, is typically an illegal and overt attempt by a military organization or other government elites to unseat an incumbent leadership.[2][3] A self-coup is when a leader, having come to power through legal means, tries to stay in power through illegal means.[3]

General Napoleon Bonaparte during the Coup of 18 Brumaire in Saint-Cloud, detail of painting by François Bouchot, 1840

By one estimate, there were 457 coup attempts from 1950 to 2010, half of which were successful.[2] Most coup attempts occurred in the mid-1960s, but there were also large numbers of coup attempts in the mid-1970s and the early 1990s.[2] Coups occurring in the post-Cold War period have been more likely to result in democratic systems than Cold War coups,[4][5][6] though coups still mostly perpetuate authoritarianism.[7]

Many factors may lead to the occurrence of a coup, as well as determine the success or failure of a coup. Once a coup is underway, coup success is driven by coup-makers' ability to get others to believe that the coup attempt will be successful.[8] The number of successful coups has decreased over time.[2] Failed coups in authoritarian systems are likely to strengthen the power of the authoritarian ruler.[9][10] The cumulative number of coups is a strong predictor of future coups, a phenomenon referred to as the "coup trap".[11][12][13][14]

In what is referred to as "coup-proofing", regimes create structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power. These coup-proofing strategies may include the strategic placing of family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military and the fragmenting of military and security agencies.[15] However, coup-proofing reduces military effectiveness as loyalty is prioritized over experience when filling key positions within the military.[16][17][18][19]

Etymology

edit

The term comes from French coup d'État, literally meaning a 'stroke of state' or 'blow of state'.[20][21][22] In French, the word État (French: [eta]) is capitalized when it denotes a sovereign political entity.[23]

Although the concept of a coup d'état has featured in politics since antiquity, the phrase is of relatively recent coinage.[24] It did not appear within an English text before the 19th century except when used in the translation of a French source, there being no simple phrase in English to convey the contextualized idea of a 'knockout blow to the existing administration within a state'.

One early use within text translated from French was in 1785 in a printed translation of a letter from a French merchant, commenting on an arbitrary decree, or arrêt, issued by the French king restricting the import of British wool.[25] What may be its first published use within a text composed in English is an editor's note in the London Morning Chronicle,1804, reporting the arrest by Napoleon in France, of Moreau, Berthier, Masséna, and Bernadotte: "There was a report in circulation yesterday of a sort of coup d'état having taken place in France, in consequence of some formidable conspiracy against the existing government."

In the British press, the phrase came to be used to describe the various murders by Napoleon's alleged secret police, the Gens d'Armes d'Elite, who executed the Duke of Enghien: "the actors in torture, the distributors of the poisoning draughts, and the secret executioners of those unfortunate individuals or families, whom Bonaparte's measures of safety require to remove. In what revolutionary tyrants call grand[s] coups d'état, as butchering, or poisoning, or drowning, en masse, they are exclusively employed."[26]

edit

Self coup

edit
This section is an excerpt from Self-coup.[edit]

A self-coup, also called an autocoup (from Spanish autogolpe) or coup from the top, is a form of coup d'état in which a political leader, having come to power through legal means, stays in power through illegal means through the actions of themselves and/or their supporters.[27] The leader may dissolve or render powerless the national legislature and unlawfully assume extraordinary powers not granted under normal circumstances. Other measures may include annulling the nation's constitution, suspending civil courts, and having the head of government assume dictatorial powers.[28][29]

Between 1946 and the beginning of 2021, an estimated 148 self-coup attempts took place, 110 in autocracies and 38 in democracies.[30]

Soft coup

edit
Main articles: Soft coup and Nonviolent revolution

A soft coup, sometimes referred to as a silent coup or a bloodless coup, is an illegal overthrow of a government, but unlike a regular coup d'état it is achieved without the use of force or violence.[31]

Palace coup

edit

A palace coup or palace revolution is a coup in which one faction within the ruling group displaces another faction within a ruling group.[32] Along with popular protests, palace coups are a major threat to dictators.[33] The Harem conspiracy of the 12th century BC was one of the earliest. Palace coups were common in Imperial China.[34] They have also occurred among the Habsburg dynasty in Austria, the Al-Thani dynasty in Qatar,[35] and in Haiti in the 19th to early 20th centuries.[36] The majority of Russian tsars between 1725 and 1801 were either overthrown or usurped power in palace coups.[37]

Putsch

edit

The term putsch ([pʊtʃ], from Swiss German for 'knock'), denotes the political-military actions of an unsuccessful minority reactionary coup.[38][39] The term was initially coined for the Züriputsch of 6 September 1839 in Switzerland. It was also used for attempted coups in Weimar Germany, such as the 1920 Kapp Putsch, Küstrin Putsch, and Adolf Hitler's 1923 Beer Hall Putsch.[40]

The 1934 Night of the Long Knives was Hitler's purge to eliminate opponents, particularly the paramilitary faction led by Ernst Röhm, but Nazi propaganda justified it as preventing a supposed putsch planned or attempted by Röhm. The Nazi term Röhm-Putsch is still used by Germans to describe the event, often with quotation marks as the 'so-called Röhm Putsch'.[41]

The 1961 Algiers putsch and the 1991 August Putsch also use the term.

The 2023 Wagner Group rebellion has also been described as a putsch.[42][43]

Pronunciamiento and cuartelazo

edit
Main article: Pronunciamiento

Pronunciamiento ('pronouncement') is a term of Spanish origin for a type of coup d'état. Specifically the pronunciamiento is the formal declaration deposing the previous government and justifying the installation of the new government by the golpe de estado. One author distinguishes a coup, in which a military or political faction takes power for itself, from a pronunciamiento, in which the military deposes the existing government and hands over power to a new, ostensibly civilian government.[44]

A "barracks revolt" or cuartelazo is another type of military revolt, from the Spanish term cuartel ('quarter' or 'barracks'), in which the mutiny of specific military garrisons sparks a larger military revolt against the government.[45]

Other

edit

Other types of actual or attempted seizures of power are sometimes called "coups with adjectives". The appropriate term can be subjective and carries normative, analytical, and political implications.[31]

  • Civil society coup
  • Constitutional coup, consistent with the constitution, often by exploiting loopholes or ambiguities
  • Counter-coup, a coup to repeal the result of a previous coup
  • Democratic coup
  • Dissident coup, in which the culprits are nominally protestors without backing from any military or police units (e.g. sometimes used to describe the January 6 United States Capitol attack)[46][47]
  • Electoral coup
  • Judicial coup, a "legal" coup, utilizing the judiciary as the main instrument.
  • Market coup
  • Medical coup, having a leader declared incapacitated by doctors, such as in Tunisia in 1987
  • Military coup
  • Parliamentary coup
  • Presidential coup
  • Royal coup, in which a monarch dismisses democratically elected leaders and seizes all power (e.g. the 6 January Dictatorship by Alexander I of Yugoslavia)[48]
  • Slow-motion (or slow-moving or slow-rolling) coup

Revolution, rebellion

edit

While a coup is usually a conspiracy of a small group, a revolution or rebellion is usually started spontaneously by larger groups of uncoordinated people.[49] The distinction between a revolution and a coup is not always clear. Sometimes, a coup is labelled as a revolution by its plotters to feign democratic legitimacy.[50][51]

Prevalence and history

edit
Further information: List of coups and coup attempts and List of coups and coup attempts by country

According to Clayton Thyne and Jonathan Powell's coup data set, there were 457 coup attempts from 1950 to 2010, of which 227 (49.7%) were successful and 230 (50.3%) were unsuccessful.[2] They find that coups have "been most common in Africa and the Americas (36.5% and 31.9%, respectively). Asia and the Middle East have experienced 13.1% and 15.8% of total global coups, respectively. Europe has experienced by far the fewest coup attempts: 2.6%."[2] Most coup attempts occurred in the mid-1960s, but there were also large numbers of coup attempts in the mid-1970s and the early 1990s.[2] From 1950 to 2010, a majority of coups failed in the Middle East and Latin America. They had a somewhat higher chance of success in Africa and Asia.[7] Numbers of successful coups have decreased over time.[2]

A number of political science datasets document coup attempts around the world and over time, generally starting in the post-World War II period. Major examples include the Global Instances of Coups dataset, the Coups & Political Instability dataset by the Center of Systemic Peace, the Coup d'etat Project by the Cline Center, the Colpus coup dataset, and the Coups and Agency Mechanism dataset. A 2023 study argued that major coup datasets tend to over-rely on international news sources to gather their information, potentially biasing the types of events included.[52] Its findings show that while such a strategy is sufficient for gathering information on successful and failed coups, attempts to gather data on coup plots and rumors require a greater consultation of regional and local-specific sources.

Outcomes

edit

Successful coups are one method of regime change that thwarts the peaceful transition of power.[53][54] A 2016 study categorizes four possible outcomes to coups in dictatorships:[5]

  • Failed coup
  • No regime change, as when a leader is illegally shuffled out of power without changing the ruling group or the type of government
  • Replacement of incumbent with another dictatorship
  • Ousting of the dictatorship followed by democratization (also called "democratic coups")[55]

The study found that about half of all coups in dictatorships—both during and after the Cold War—install new autocratic regimes.[5] New dictatorships launched by coups engage in higher levels of repression in the year after the coup than existed in the year before the coup.[5] One-third of coups in dictatorships during the Cold War and 10% of later ones reshuffled the regime leadership.[5] Democracies were installed in the wake of 12% of Cold War coups in dictatorships and 40% of post-Cold War ones.[5]

Coups occurring in the post-Cold War period have been more likely to result in democratic systems than Cold War coups,[4][5][6] though coups still mostly perpetuate authoritarianism.[7] Coups that occur during civil wars shorten the war's duration.[56]

Predictors

edit

A 2003 review of the academic literature found that the following factors influenced coups:

  • officers' personal grievances
  • military organizational grievances
  • military popularity
  • military attitudinal cohesiveness
  • economic decline
  • domestic political crisis
  • contagion from other regional coups
  • external threat
  • participation in war
  • collusion with a foreign military power
  • military's national security doctrine
  • officers' political culture
  • noninclusive institutions
  • colonial legacy
  • economic development
  • undiversified exports
  • officers' class composition
  • military size
  • strength of civil society
  • regime legitimacy and past coups.[57][11]

The literature review in a 2016 study includes mentions of ethnic factionalism, supportive foreign governments, leader inexperience, slow growth, commodity price shocks, and poverty.[58]

Coups have been found to appear in environments that are heavily influenced by military powers. Multiple of the above factors are connected to military culture and power dynamics. These factors can be divided into multiple categories, with two of these categories being a threat to military interests and support for military interests. If interests go in either direction, the military will find itself either capitalizing off that power or attempting to gain it back.

Oftentimes, military spending is an indicator of the likelihood of a coup taking place. Nordvik found that about 75% of coups that took place in many different countries rooted from military spending and oil windfalls.[57]

Coup trap

edit

The accumulation of previous coups is a strong predictor of future coups,[11][12] a phenomenon called the coup trap.[13][14] A 2014 study of 18 Latin American countries found that the establishment of open political competition helps bring countries out of the coup trap and reduces cycles of political instability.[14]

Regime type and polarization

edit

Hybrid regimes are more vulnerable to coups than very authoritarian states or democratic states.[59] A 2021 study found that democratic regimes were not substantially more likely to experience coups.[60] A 2015 study finds that terrorism is strongly associated with re-shuffling coups.[61] A 2016 study finds that there is an ethnic component to coups: "When leaders attempt to build ethnic armies, or dismantle those created by their predecessors, they provoke violent resistance from military officers."[62] Another 2016 study shows that protests increase the risk of coups, presumably because they ease coordination obstacles among coup plotters and make international actors less likely to punish coup leaders.[63] A third 2016 study finds that coups become more likely in the wake of elections in autocracies when the results reveal electoral weakness for the incumbent autocrat.[64] A fourth 2016 study finds that inequality between social classes increases the likelihood of coups.[65] A fifth 2016 study finds no evidence that coups are contagious; one coup in a region does not make other coups in the region likely to follow.[66] One study found that coups are more likely to occur in states with small populations, as there are smaller coordination problems for coup-plotters.[67]

In autocracies, the frequency of coups seems to be affected by the succession rules in place, with monarchies with a fixed succession rule being much less plagued by instability than less institutionalized autocracies.[68][69][70]

A 2014 study of 18 Latin American countries in the 20th-century study found the legislative powers of the presidency does not influence coup frequency.[14]

A 2019 study found that when a country's politics is polarized and electoral competition is low, civilian-recruited coups become more likely.[71]

A 2023 study found that civilian elites are more likely to be associated with instigating military coups while civilians embedded in social networks are more likely to be associated with consolidating military coups.[72]

Territorial disputes, internal conflicts, and armed conflicts

edit

A 2017 study found that autocratic leaders whose states were involved in international rivalries over disputed territory were more likely to be overthrown in a coup. The authors of the study provide the following logic for why this is:

Autocratic incumbents invested in spatial rivalries need to strengthen the military in order to compete with a foreign adversary. The imperative of developing a strong army puts dictators in a paradoxical situation: to compete with a rival state, they must empower the very agency—the military—that is most likely to threaten their own survival in office.[73]

However, two 2016 studies found that leaders who were involved in militarized confrontations and conflicts were less likely to face a coup.[74][75]

A 2019 study found that states that had recently signed civil war peace agreements were much more likely to experience coups, in particular when those agreements contained provisions that jeopardized the interests of the military.[76]

edit

Research suggests that protests spur coups, as they help elites within the state apparatus to coordinate coups.[77]

A 2019 study found that regional rebellions made coups by the military more likely.[78]

Economy, development, and resource factors

edit

A 2018 study found that "oil price shocks are seen to promote coups in onshore-intensive oil countries, while preventing them in offshore-intensive oil countries".[79] The study argues that states which have onshore oil wealth tend to build up their military to protect the oil, whereas states do not do that for offshore oil wealth.[79]

A 2020 study found that elections had a two-sided impact on coup attempts, depending on the state of the economy. During periods of economic expansion, elections reduced the likelihood of coup attempts, whereas elections during economic crises increased the likelihood of coup attempts.[80]

A 2021 study found that oil wealthy nations see a pronounced risk of coup attempts but these coups are unlikely to succeed.[81]

A 2014 study of 18 Latin American countries in the 20th century study found that coup frequency does not vary with development levels, economic inequality, or the rate of economic growth.[14]

Coup-proofing

edit

In what is referred to as "coup-proofing", regimes create structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power. These coup-proofing strategies may include the strategic placing of family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military; creation of an armed force parallel to the regular military; and development of multiple internal security agencies with overlapping jurisdiction that constantly monitor one another.[15] It may also involve frequent salary hikes and promotions for members of the military,[82] and the deliberate use of diverse bureaucrats.[83] Research shows that some coup-proofing strategies reduce the risk of coups occurring.[84][85] However, coup-proofing reduces military effectiveness,[86][16][87][17][88][89][18] and limits the rents that an incumbent can extract.[90] One reason why authoritarian governments tend to have incompetent militaries is that authoritarian regimes fear that their military will stage a coup or allow a domestic uprising to proceed uninterrupted – as a consequence, authoritarian rulers have incentives to place incompetent loyalists in key positions in the military.[19]

A 2016 study shows that the implementation of succession rules reduce the occurrence of coup attempts.[91] Succession rules are believed to hamper coordination efforts among coup plotters by assuaging elites who have more to gain by patience than by plotting.[91]

According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighbouring countries lead to greater coup-proofing and coup-related repression in a region.[92] A 2017 study finds that countries' coup-proofing strategies are heavily influenced by other countries with similar histories.[93] Coup-proofing is more likely in former French colonies.[94]

A 2018 study in the Journal of Peace Research found that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders.[95] A 2019 study in Conflict Management and Peace Science found that personalist dictatorships are more likely to take coup-proofing measures than other authoritarian regimes; the authors argue that this is because "personalists are characterized by weak institutions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links to the ruler".[96]

In their 2022 book Revolution and Dictatorship: The Violent Origins of Durable Authoritarianism, political scientists Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way found that political-military fusion, where the ruling party is highly interlinked with the military and created the administrative structures of the military from its inception, is extremely effective at preventing military coups. For example, the People's Liberation Army was created by the Chinese Communist Party during the Chinese Civil War, and never instigated a military coup even after large-scale policy failures (i.e. the Great Leap Forward) or the extreme political instability of the Cultural Revolution.[97]

Impact

edit

Democracy

edit

Research suggests that coups promoting democratization in staunchly authoritarian regimes have become less likely to end in democracy over time, and that the positive influence has strengthened since the end of the Cold War.[4][5][98][99][100]

A 2014 study found that "coups promote democratization, particularly among states that are least likely to democratize otherwise".[98] The authors argue that coup attempts can have this consequence because leaders of successful coups have incentives to democratize quickly in order to establish political legitimacy and economic growth, while leaders who stay in power after failed coup attempts see it as a sign that they must enact meaningful reforms to remain in power.[98] A 2014 study found that 40% of post-Cold War coups were successful. The authors argue that this may be due to the incentives created by international pressure.[4] A 2016 study found that democracies were installed in 12% of Cold War coups and 40% of the post-Cold War coups.[5] A 2020 study found that coups tended to lead to increases in state repression, not reductions.[101]

According to a 2020 study, "external reactions to coups play important roles in whether coup leaders move toward authoritarianism or democratic governance. When supported by external democratic actors, coup leaders have an incentive to push for elections to retain external support and consolidate domestic legitimacy. When condemned, coup leaders are apt to trend toward authoritarianism to assure their survival."[102]

According to legal scholar Ilya Somin a coup to forcibly overthrow a democratic government might be sometimes justified. Commenting on the 2016 Turkish coup d'état attempt, Somin opined,

There should be a strong presumption against forcibly removing a democratic regime. But that presumption might be overcome if the government in question poses a grave threat to human rights, or is likely to destroy democracy itself by shutting down future political competition.[103]

Repression and counter-coups

edit

According to Naunihal Singh, author of Seizing Power: The Strategic Logic of Military Coups (2014), it is "fairly rare" for the prevailing existing government to violently purge the army after a coup has been foiled. If it starts the mass killing of elements of the army, including officers who were not involved in the coup, this may trigger a "counter-coup" by soldiers who are afraid they will be next. To prevent such a desperate counter-coup that may be more successful than the initial attempt, governments usually resort to firing prominent officers and replacing them with loyalists instead.[104]

Some research suggests that increased repression and violence typically follow both successful and unsuccessful coup attempts.[105] However, some tentative analysis by political scientist Jay Ulfelder finds no clear pattern of deterioration in human rights practices in wake of failed coups in post-Cold War era.[106]

Notable counter-coups include the Ottoman countercoup of 1909, the 1960 Laotian counter-coup, the Indonesian mass killings of 1965–66, the 1966 Nigerian counter-coup, the 1967 Greek counter-coup, 1971 Sudanese counter-coup, and the Coup d'état of December Twelfth in South Korea.

A 2017 study finds that the use of state broadcasting by the putschist regime after Mali's 2012 coup did not elevate explicit approval for the regime.[107]

According to a 2019 study, coup attempts lead to a reduction in physical integrity rights.[108]

International response

edit

The international community tends to react adversely to coups by reducing aid and imposing sanctions. A 2015 study finds that "coups against democracies, coups after the Cold War, and coups in states heavily integrated into the international community are all more likely to elicit global reaction."[109] Another 2015 study shows that coups are the strongest predictor for the imposition of democratic sanctions.[110] A third 2015 study finds that Western states react strongest against coups of possible democratic and human rights abuses.[110] A 2016 study shows that the international donor community in the post-Cold War period penalizes coups by reducing foreign aid.[111] The US has been inconsistent in applying aid sanctions against coups both during the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, a likely consequence of its geopolitical interests.[111]

Organizations such as the African Union (AU) and the Organization of American States (OAS) have adopted anti-coup frameworks. Through the threat of sanctions, the organizations actively try to curb coups. A 2016 study finds that the AU has played a meaningful role in reducing African coups.[112]

A 2017 study found that negative international responses, especially from powerful actors, have a significant effect in shortening the duration of regimes created in coups.[113]

According to a 2020 study, coups increase the cost of borrowing and increase the likelihood of sovereign default.[114]

Current leaders who assumed power via coups

edit

Leaders are arranged in chronological order by the dates they assumed power, and categorized by the continents their countries are in.

Asia

edit

Africa

edit
See also: Coup Belt
Position Post-coup leader Deposed leader Country Event Date
President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo  Francisco Macías Nguema   Equatorial Guinea  1979 Equatoguinean coup d'état 3 August 1979
President Yoweri Museveni Tito Okello   Uganda Ugandan Bush War 29 January 1986
President Denis Sassou Nguesso Pascal Lissouba   Congo Republic of the Congo Civil War 25 October 1997
President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi Mohamed Morsi   Egypt 2013 Egyptian coup d'état 3 July 2013
President Emmerson Mnangagwa Robert Mugabe[n 3]   Zimbabwe 2017 Zimbabwean coup d'état 24 November 2017
Chairman of the Transitional Sovereignty Council  Abdel Fattah al-Burhan Omar al-Bashir   Sudan 2019 Sudanese coup d'état 21 August 2019
Chairman of the National Committee for the Salvation of the People of Mali Assimi Goïta Bah Ndaw   Mali 2021 Malian coup d'état 25 May 2021
President Kais Saied Hichem Mechichi[n 4]   Tunisia 2021 Tunisian self-coup[n 5] 25 July 2021
Chairman of the National Committee of Reconciliation and Development Mamady Doumbouya Alpha Condé   Guinea 2021 Guinean coup d'état 5 September 2021
President of the Patriotic Movement for Safeguard and Restoration Ibrahim Traoré Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba    Burkina Faso September 2022 Burkinabé coup d'état  30 September 2022
President of the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland Abdourahamane Tchiani Mohamed Bazoum   Niger 2023 Nigerien coup d'état 26 July 2023
Head of the Committee for the Transition and Restoration of Institutions Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema Ali Bongo Ondimba   Gabon 2023 Gabonese coup d'état 30 August 2023
  1. ^ Nabiyev was forced to resign by government militia on 7 September 1992, with Emomali Rahmon assumed interim power in November.[115] Emomali Rahmon was, at the time, known as Emomali Rahmonov (see Name changes).
  2. ^ Hadi was forced to resign by Houthi rebels on 22 January 2015, but later renounced his resignation. The coup culminated into a civil war.
  3. ^ Mugabe resigned on 21 November 2017.
  4. ^ Prime Minister, Head of Government (under Tunisian Constitution, Shared Executive Power), Kais Saied Also Abolished the Parliament, which represents the Legislative Power in a representative Democracy)
  5. ^ "Constitutional" Coup, By Activation of Article 80 (full Power Seizure in case of "Imminent Danger", which is not well-defined, as there is a conflict of interest if the president is the sole arbiter of defining "Danger", and there is no judicial reconciliation (Ex. Constitutional/Supreme Court), Kais Saied removed Head of Government and Parliament

See also

edit

References

edit
  1. ^ "coup d'état". Merriam-Webster. Archived from the original on 29 November 2021. Retrieved 4 April 2022.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h Powell, Jonathan M.; Thyne, Clayton L. (1 March 2011). "Global instances of coups from 1950 to 2010: A new dataset" (PDF). Journal of Peace Research (Preprint). 48 (2): 249–259. doi:10.1177/0022343310397436. ISSN 0022-3433. S2CID 9066792. Archived (PDF) from the original on 27 May 2022. Retrieved 20 June 2022. To summarize, our definition of a coup attempt includes illegal and overt attempts by the military or other elites within the state apparatus to unseat the sitting executive... Coups may be undertaken by any elite who is part of the state apparatus. These can include non-civilian members of the military and security services, or civilian members of government.
  3. ^ a b Chin, John J; Carter, David B; Wright, Joseph G (2021). "The Varieties of Coups D'état: Introducing the Colpus Dataset". International Studies Quarterly. 65 (4): 1040–1051. doi:10.1093/isq/sqab058. ISSN 0020-8833. A coup d ́etat occurs whenever the incumbent ruling regime or regime leader is ousted from power (or a presumptive regime leader is prevented from taking power) as a result of concrete, observable, and unconstitutional actions by one or more civilian members of the incumbent ruling regime and/or one or more members of the military or security apparatus
  4. ^ a b c d Marinov, Nikolay; Goemans, Hein (2014). "Coups and Democracy". British Journal of Political Science. 44 (4): 799–825. doi:10.1017/S0007123413000264. ISSN 1469-2112. S2CID 55915744.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i Derpanopoulos, George; Frantz, Erica; Geddes, Barbara; Wright, Joseph (2016). "Are coups good for democracy?". Research & Politics. 3 (1): 2053168016630837. doi:10.1177/2053168016630837. ISSN 2053-1680.
  6. ^ a b Miller, Michael K. (2016). "Reanalysis: Are coups good for democracy?". Research & Politics. 3 (4): 2053168016681908. doi:10.1177/2053168016681908. ISSN 2053-1680.
  7. ^ a b c Brooks, Risa A. (2019). "Integrating the Civil–Military Relations Subfield". Annual Review of Political Science. 22 (1): 379–398. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-060518-025407. ISSN 1094-2939.
  8. ^ Singh, Naunihal (2014). Seizing Power: The Strategic Logic of Military Coups. JHU Press. ISBN 978-1-4214-1336-5.
  9. ^ Timoneda, Joan C.; Escribà-Folch, Abel; Chin, John (2023). "The Rush to Personalize: Power Concentration after Failed Coups in Dictatorships". British Journal of Political Science. 53 (3): 878–901. doi:10.1017/S0007123422000655. hdl:10230/57138. ISSN 0007-1234. S2CID 257479041. Archived from the original on 31 July 2023. Retrieved 21 July 2023.
  10. ^ Habtom, Naman Karl-Thomas (21 July 2023). "When Failed Coups Strengthen Leaders". War on the Rocks. Archived from the original on 29 July 2023. Retrieved 21 July 2023.
  11. ^ a b c Belkin, Aaron; Schofer, Evan (2003). "Toward a Structural Understanding of Coup Risk". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 47 (5): 594–620. doi:10.1177/0022002703258197. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 40848052.
  12. ^ a b Przeworski, Adam; Alvarez, Michael E.; Cheibub, Jose Antonio; Limongi, Fernando (2000). Democracy and Development: Political Institutions and Well-Being in the World, 1950–1990. Cambridge Studies in the Theory of Democracy. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-79379-7. Archived from the original on 24 September 2018. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
  13. ^ a b Londregan, John B.; Poole, Keith T. (1990). "Poverty, the Coup Trap, and the Seizure of Executive Power". World Politics. 42 (2): 151–183. doi:10.2307/2010462. ISSN 1086-3338. JSTOR 2010462. S2CID 153454233.
  14. ^ a b c d e Lehoucq, Fabrice; Pérez-Liñán, Aníbal (2014). "Breaking Out of the Coup Trap". Comparative Political Studies. 47 (8): 1105–1129. doi:10.1177/0010414013488561. S2CID 154707430. Archived from the original on 4 July 2021. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  15. ^ a b Quinlivan, James T. (1 January 2000). "Coup-Proofing". RAND Corporation. Archived from the original on 21 October 2019. Retrieved 20 January 2016.
  16. ^ a b Talmadge, Caitlin (2015). The Dictator's Army: Battlefield Effectiveness in Authoritarian Regimes. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-1-5017-0175-7. Archived from the original on 3 August 2023. Retrieved 27 May 2022.
  17. ^ a b Narang, Vipin; Talmadge, Caitlin (31 January 2017). "Civil-military Pathologies and Defeat in War". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 62 (7): 1379–1405. doi:10.1177/0022002716684627. S2CID 151897298.
  18. ^ a b Biddle, Stephen; Zirkle, Robert (1 June 1996). "Technology, civil-military relations, and warfare in the developing world". Journal of Strategic Studies. 19 (2): 171–212. doi:10.1080/01402399608437634. ISSN 0140-2390. Archived from the original on 30 April 2020. Retrieved 31 March 2021.
  19. ^ a b Paine, Jack (2022). "Reframing The Guardianship Dilemma: How the Military's Dual Disloyalty Options Imperil Dictators". American Political Science Review. 116 (4): 1425–1442. doi:10.1017/S0003055422000089. ISSN 0003-0554. S2CID 247278896. Archived from the original on 5 March 2022. Retrieved 4 March 2022.
  20. ^ "Coup d'état". Oxford Dictionaries. Archived from the original on 6 November 2015. Retrieved 12 January 2019.
  21. ^ "Coup d'état". Merriam Webster. Archived from the original on 18 August 2017.
  22. ^ "Turkey Coup". Merriam Webster. 15 July 2016. Archived from the original on 11 January 2021. Retrieved 5 February 2021.
  23. ^ "Banque de dépannage linguistique – état". Office québécois de la langue française. Archived from the original on 1 July 2012. Retrieved 12 December 2012.
  24. ^ Julius Caesar's civil war, 5 January 49 BC.
  25. ^ Norfolk Chronicle, 13 August 1785: "It is thought here by some, that it is a Coup d'Etat played off as a prelude to a disagreeable after-piece. But I can confidently assure you, that the above-mentioned arrêt was promulgated in consequence of innumerable complaints and murmurs which have found their way to the ears of the Sovereign. Our merchants contend, that they experience the greatest difficulties in trading with the English".
  26. ^ "unk". Kentish Gazette. Canterbury. 16 October 1804. p. 2.
  27. ^ Chin, John J; Carter, David B; Wright, Joseph G (2021). "The Varieties of Coups D'état: Introducing the Colpus Dataset". International Studies Quarterly. 65 (4): 1040–1051. doi:10.1093/isq/sqab058. ISSN 0020-8833.
  28. ^ Kaufman, Edy. Uruguay in Transition: From Civilian to Military Rule. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-1-4128-4084-2.
  29. ^ Tufekci, Zeynep (7 December 2020). "This Must Be Your First". The Atlantic. In political science, the term coup refers to the illegitimate overthrow of a sitting government—usually through violence or the threat of violence. The technical term for attempting to stay in power illegitimately—such as after losing an election—is self-coup or autocoup, sometimes autogolpe
  30. ^ Nakamura, David (5 January 2021). "With brazen assault on election, Trump prompts critics to warn of a coup". The Washington Post. Retrieved 5 January 2021.
  31. ^ a b Marsteintredet, Leiv; Malamud, Andrés (November 2020). "Coup with Adjectives: Conceptual Stretching or Innovation in Comparative Research?". Political Studies. 68 (4): 1014–1035. doi:10.1177/0032321719888857. hdl:10451/40441. ISSN 0032-3217. S2CID 210147416. Archived from the original on 13 December 2022. Retrieved 4 January 2023.
  32. ^ Peterson, M.J. (2019). "Recognition of governments". Routledge Handbook of State Recognition. pp. 205–219. doi:10.4324/9781351131759-16. ISBN 978-1-351-13175-9. S2CID 243704806. Archived from the original on 4 July 2021. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
  33. ^ Raphael Boleslavsky; Mehdi Shadmehr; Konstantin Sonin (June 2021). "Media Freedom in the Shadow of a Coup". Journal of the European Economic Association. 19 (3): 1782–1815. doi:10.1093/jeea/jvaa040.
  34. ^ Anita M. Andrew & John A. Rapp, Autocracy and China's Rebel Founding Emperors: Comparing Chairman Mao and Ming Taizu (Rowman & Littlefield, 2000), p. 324; Charles O. Hucker, China's Imperial Past: An Introduction to Chinese History and Culture (Stanford University Press: 1975), p. 304.
  35. ^ Patrick Milton, Michael Axworthy & Brendan Simms, Towards A Westphalia for the Middle East (Oxford University Press, 2019), p. 104.
  36. ^ Mats Lundahl, Politics Or Markets? Essays on Haitian Underdevelopment (Routledge, 2002), p. 321.
  37. ^ Erren, Lorenz (2016). "Feofan Prokopovich's Pravda voli monarshei as Fundamental Law of the Russian Empire". Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History. 17 (2): 333–360. doi:10.1353/kri.2016.0027. ISSN 1538-5000. S2CID 159803557.
  38. ^ "Putsch". DWDS – Digitales Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache (in German). 31 August 2022. Archived from the original on 4 January 2023. Retrieved 4 January 2023.
  39. ^ Pfeifer, Wolfgang [in German] (1993). Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Deutschen [Etymological Dictionary of German] (in German) (second ed.). Berlin: Akademie Verlag. ISBN 978-3-05-000626-0.
  40. ^ "Definition of putsch: Did you know?". Merriam Webster. Archived from the original on 10 February 2021. Retrieved 16 February 2021.
  41. ^ "Röhm-Putsch" (in German). Deutsches Historisches Museum (DHM), German Historical Museum. Archived from the original on 11 August 2014. Retrieved 26 March 2016.
  42. ^ Cashman, Richard; Ogryzko, Lesia (6 July 2023). "Wagner putsch is symptomatic of Russia's ongoing imperial decline". Atlantic Council. Retrieved 29 January 2024.
  43. ^ "Russia's aborted Wagner putsch: How it evolved". Euractiv. 26 June 2023. Retrieved 29 January 2024.
  44. ^ Luttwak, Edward (1979). Coup d'État: A Practical Handbook. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-17547-1.
  45. ^ Little-Siebold, Todd. "Cuartelazo" in Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, vol. 2, p. 305. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons 1996.
  46. ^ Zeitz, Joshua; Althaus, Scott (19 August 2022). "Ask the 'Coupologists': Just What Was Jan. 6 Anyway?". Politico. Retrieved 28 December 2023. We have a set of categories including military coup, dissident coup, rebel coup, palace coup, foreign-backed coup, auto coup and others. So an attempted dissident coup is a coup initiated by a small group of discontents to include ex-military leaders, religious leaders, former government leaders, members of legislatures, parliament and civilians, but does not include security forces or police as they're organized arms of the government. And certainly by using that label, I am not trying to categorize in any sense the politics of people who are involved.
  47. ^ "It Was an Attempted Coup: The Cline Center's Coup D'état Project Categorizes the January 6, 2021 Assault on the US Capitol". Cline Center for Advanced Social Research. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 21 July 2021.
  48. ^ Barbara Geddes; Joseph George Wright; Joseph Wright; Erica Frantz (2018). How Dictatorships Work: Power, Personalization, and Collapse. Cambridge University Press. p. 285. ISBN 978-1-107-11582-8. where a monarch who had not been directly running the country (in the sense that there was a prime minister and responsible government...) decides to assume all power. Yugoslavia in 1929 was an example of this.
  49. ^ "Coup D'etat". Encyclopedia Britannica. Archived from the original on 8 November 2021. Retrieved 4 January 2023.
  50. ^ Kevin Newton. "Change Caused by Revolutions, Coups & Wars". study.com. Archived from the original on 18 October 2022. Retrieved 4 January 2023.
  51. ^ David Lane: 'The Orange Revolution: 'People's Revolution' or Revolutionary Coup?', The British Journal of Politics and International Relations (BJPIR): 2008 Vol. 10, 525–549 [1] Archived 27 November 2022 at the Wayback Machine
  52. ^ Ben Hammou, Salah; Powell, Jonathan; Sellers, Bailey (2023). "Sourcing and Bias in the Study of Coups: Lessons from the Middle East". International Studies Review. 25 (3): 1–22. doi:10.1093/isr/viad031.
  53. ^ "Orderly transfers of power occur less often than you might think". The Economist. ISSN 0013-0613. Archived from the original on 12 January 2022. Retrieved 29 June 2022.
  54. ^ Przeworski, Adam (January 2015). "Acquiring the Habit of Changing Governments Through Elections". Comparative Political Studies. 48 (1): 101–129. doi:10.1177/0010414014543614. ISSN 0010-4140. S2CID 154441890. Archived from the original on 19 August 2021. Retrieved 29 June 2022. an entire sequence of elections may occur peacefully, with or without alternations, and then some exogenous event may lead to a coup, usurpation of power by the current incumbent, civil war, or some other constitutional irregularity.
  55. ^ Varol, Ozan O. (20 May 2021). The Democratic Coup d'État. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-062602-0. Archived from the original on 20 May 2021. Retrieved 24 October 2017 – via Amazon.com.
  56. ^ Thyne, Clayton (25 March 2015). "The impact of coups d'état on civil war duration". Conflict Management and Peace Science. 34 (3): 0738894215570431. doi:10.1177/0738894215570431. ISSN 0738-8942. S2CID 19036952.
  57. ^ a b Nordvik, Frode Martin (1 April 2019). "Does Oil Promote or Prevent Coups? The Answer is Yes". The Economic Journal. 129 (619): 1425–1456. doi:10.1111/ecoj.12604. hdl:11250/2657360. S2CID 158738285.
  58. ^ Bell, Curtis (17 February 2016). "Coup d'État and Democracy". Comparative Political Studies. 49 (9): 0010414015621081. doi:10.1177/0010414015621081. ISSN 0010-4140. S2CID 155881388.
  59. ^ Hiroi, Taeko; Omori, Sawa (1 February 2013). "Causes and Triggers of Coups d'état: An Event History Analysis". Politics & Policy. 41 (1): 39–64. doi:10.1111/polp.12001. ISSN 1747-1346.
  60. ^ Kim, Nam Kyu; Sudduth, Jun Koga (3 March 2021). "Political Institutions and Coups in Dictatorships". Comparative Political Studies. 54 (9): 1597–1628. doi:10.1177/0010414021997161. ISSN 0010-4140.
  61. ^ Aksoy, Deniz; Carter, David B.; Wright, Joseph (1 July 2015). "Terrorism and the Fate of Dictators". World Politics. 67 (3): 423–468. doi:10.1017/S0043887115000118. ISSN 1086-3338. S2CID 154292179.
  62. ^ Harkness, Kristen A. (1 June 2016). "The Ethnic Army and the State Explaining Coup Traps and the Difficulties of Democratization in Africa". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 60 (4): 587–616. doi:10.1177/0022002714545332. hdl:10023/9391. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 54538341.
  63. ^ Johnson, Jaclyn; Thyne, Clayton L. (26 June 2016). "Squeaky Wheels and Troop Loyalty How Domestic Protests Influence Coups d'état, 1951–2005". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 62 (3): 597–625. doi:10.1177/0022002716654742. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 147707842.
  64. ^ Wig, Tore; Rød, Espen Geelmuyden (1 August 2016). "Cues to Coup Plotters Elections as Coup Triggers in Dictatorships". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 60 (5): 787–812. doi:10.1177/0022002714553106. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 17684023. Archived from the original on 3 August 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2020.
  65. ^ Houle, Christian (1 September 2016). "Why class inequality breeds coups but not civil wars". Journal of Peace Research. 53 (5): 680–695. doi:10.1177/0022343316652187. ISSN 0022-3433. S2CID 113899326.
  66. ^ Miller, Michael K.; Joseph, Michael; Ohl, Dorothy (26 May 2016). "Are Coups Really Contagious? An Extreme Bounds Analysis of Political Diffusion". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 62 (2): 410–441. doi:10.1177/0022002716649232. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 148514914.
  67. ^ Gassebner, Martin; Gutmann, Jerg; Voigt, Stefan (1 December 2016). "When to expect a coup d'état? An extreme bounds analysis of coup determinants". Public Choice. 169 (3–4): 293–313. doi:10.1007/s11127-016-0365-0. hdl:10419/156099. ISSN 0048-5829. S2CID 157580604.
  68. ^ Kurrild-Klitgaard, Peter (2000). "The constitutional economics of autocratic succession". Public Choice. 103 (1/2): 63–84. doi:10.1023/A:1005078532251. ISSN 0048-5829. S2CID 154097838.
  69. ^ Kurrild-Klitgaard, Peter (2004). "Autocratic Succession". The Encyclopedia of Public Choice. Vol. 103. pp. 358–362. doi:10.1007/978-0-306-47828-4_39. ISBN 978-0-306-47828-4.
  70. ^ Escribà-Folch, Abel; Böhmelt, Tobias; Pilster, Ulrich (9 April 2019). "Authoritarian regimes and civil–military relations: Explaining counterbalancing in autocracies". Conflict Management and Peace Science. 37 (5): 559–579. doi:10.1177/0738894219836285. hdl:10230/46774. ISSN 0738-8942. S2CID 159416397.
  71. ^ Kinney, Drew Holland (2019). "Politicians at Arms: Civilian recruitment of soldiers for Middle East Coups". Armed Forces & Society. 45 (4): 681–701. doi:10.1177/0095327X18777983. ISSN 1556-0848. S2CID 149675838.
  72. ^ Ben Hammou, Salah (2023). "The Varieties of Civilian Praetorianism: Evidence From Sudan's Coup Politics". Armed Forces & Society: 0095327X2311556. doi:10.1177/0095327X231155667. S2CID 257268269.
  73. ^ Florea, Adrian (2018). "Spatial Rivalry and Coups Against Dictators" (PDF). Security Studies. 27: 1–26. doi:10.1080/09636412.2017.1360072. ISSN 0963-6412. S2CID 157425839. Archived (PDF) from the original on 14 March 2023. Retrieved 4 July 2019.
  74. ^ Piplani, Varun; Talmadge, Caitlin (1 December 2016). "When War Helps Civil–military Relations Prolonged Interstate Conflict and the Reduced Risk of Coups". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 60 (8): 1368–1394. doi:10.1177/0022002714567950. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 3627631.
  75. ^ Arbatli, Cemal Eren; Arbatli, Ekim (2014). "External threats and political survival: Can dispute involvement deter coup attempts?". Conflict Management and Peace Science. 33 (2): 115–152. doi:10.1177/0738894214545956. S2CID 156930338.
  76. ^ White, Peter (2020). "The Perils of Peace: Civil War Peace Agreements and Military Coups". The Journal of Politics. 82: 104–118. doi:10.1086/705683. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 201358683.
  77. ^ Casper, Brett Allen; Tyson, Scott A. (1 April 2014). "Popular Protest and Elite Coordination in a Coup d'état". The Journal of Politics. 76 (2): 548–564. doi:10.1017/S0022381613001485. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 154715902.
  78. ^ Eibl, Ferdinand; Hertog, Steffen; Slater, Dan (2019). "War Makes the Regime: Regional Rebellions and Political Militarization Worldwide". British Journal of Political Science. 51 (3): 1–22. doi:10.1017/S0007123419000528. ISSN 0007-1234.
  79. ^ a b Nordvik, Frode Martin (2019). "Does Oil Promote or Prevent Coups? the Answer Is Yes". The Economic Journal. 129 (619): 1425–1456. doi:10.1111/ecoj.12604. hdl:11250/2657360. ISSN 1468-0297. S2CID 158738285.
  80. ^ Krishnarajan, Suthan; Rørbæk, Lasse Lykke (21 January 2020). "The Two-sided Effect of Elections on Coup Attempts" (PDF). Journal of Conflict Resolution. 64 (7–8): 1279–1306. doi:10.1177/0022002719900001. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 212902955. Archived (PDF) from the original on 11 June 2023. Retrieved 28 November 2022.
  81. ^ Powell, Jonathan; Schiel, Rebecca; Ben Hammou, Salah (2021). "Oil Wealth, Risk Acceptance, and the Seizure of Power". Journal of Global Security Studies. 6 (4): 1–8. doi:10.1093/jogss/ogaa053. ISSN 2057-3189. Archived from the original on 13 January 2021. Retrieved 5 February 2021.
  82. ^ Sabaté, Oriol; Espuelas, Sergio; Herranz-Loncán, Alfonso (2021). "Military Wages and Coup d'État in Spain (1850–1915): the Use of Public Spending as a Coup-Proofing Strategy". Revista de Historia Economica – Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History. 40 (2): 205–241. doi:10.1017/S0212610920000270. hdl:2445/188798. ISSN 0212-6109. S2CID 234382957. Archived from the original on 18 February 2021. Retrieved 28 May 2021.
  83. ^ Woldense, Josef (2022). "What Happens When Coups Fail? The Problem of Identifying and Weakening the Enemy Within". Comparative Political Studies. 55 (7): 1236–1265. doi:10.1177/00104140211047402. ISSN 0010-4140. S2CID 248921794.
  84. ^ Powell, Jonathan (1 December 2012). "Determinants of the Attempting and Outcome of Coups d'état". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 56 (6): 1017–1040. doi:10.1177/0022002712445732. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 54646102.
  85. ^ Braithwaite, Jessica Maves; Sudduth, Jun Koga (1 January 2016). "Military purges and the recurrence of civil conflict". Research & Politics. 3 (1): 2053168016630730. doi:10.1177/2053168016630730. ISSN 2053-1680.
  86. ^ Reiter, Dan (2024), "Coup-proofing and military effectiveness", Research Handbook on Civil–Military Relations, Edward Elgar Publishing, pp. 155–170, ISBN 978-1-80088-984-2
  87. ^ Talmadge, Caitlin (2016). "Different Threats, Different Militaries:Explaining Organizational Practices in Authoritarian Armies". Security Studies. 25 (1): 111–141. doi:10.1080/09636412.2016.1134192. ISSN 0963-6412. S2CID 3655994.
  88. ^ Brown, Cameron S.; Fariss, Christopher J.; McMahon, R. Blake (1 January 2016). "Recouping after Coup-Proofing: Compromised Military Effectiveness and Strategic Substitution". International Interactions. 42 (1): 1–30. doi:10.1080/03050629.2015.1046598. ISSN 0305-0629. S2CID 214653333.
  89. ^ Bausch, Andrew W. (2018). "Coup-proofing and Military Inefficiencies: An Experiment". International Interactions. 44 (ja): 1–32. doi:10.1080/03050629.2017.1289938. ISSN 0305-0629. S2CID 157891333.
  90. ^ Leon, Gabriel (1 April 2014). "Soldiers or politicians? Institutions, conflict, and the military's role in politics". Oxford Economic Papers. 66 (2): 533–556. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.1000.7058. doi:10.1093/oep/gpt024. ISSN 0030-7653.
  91. ^ a b Frantz, Erica; Stein, Elizabeth A. (4 July 2016). "Countering Coups Leadership Succession Rules in Dictatorships". Comparative Political Studies. 50 (7): 935–962. doi:10.1177/0010414016655538. ISSN 0010-4140. S2CID 157014887.
  92. ^ "Will Turkey's coup attempt prompt others nearby?". Washington Post. Archived from the original on 21 October 2019. Retrieved 30 July 2016.
  93. ^ Böhmelt, Tobias; Ruggeri, Andrea; Pilster, Ulrich (1 April 2017). "Counterbalancing, Spatial Dependence, and Peer Group Effects*" (PDF). Political Science Research and Methods. 5 (2): 221–239. doi:10.1017/psrm.2015.55. hdl:20.500.11850/130560. ISSN 2049-8470. S2CID 56130442. Archived (PDF) from the original on 22 September 2017. Retrieved 4 July 2019.
  94. ^ Mehrl, Marius; Choulis, Ioannis (28 March 2021). "The colonial roots of structural coup-proofing". International Interactions. 47 (4): 750–776. doi:10.1080/03050629.2021.1898958. ISSN 0305-0629. S2CID 233642733. Archived from the original on 4 January 2023. Retrieved 29 March 2021.
  95. ^ Easton, Malcolm R.; Siverson, Randolph M. (2018). "Leader survival and purges after a failed coup d'état". Journal of Peace Research. 55 (5): 596–608. doi:10.1177/0022343318763713. S2CID 117585945.
  96. ^ Escribà-Folch, Abel; Böhmelt, Tobias; Pilster, Ulrich (1 September 2020). "Authoritarian regimes and civil–military relations: Explaining counterbalancing in autocracies". Conflict Management and Peace Science. 37 (5): 559–579. doi:10.1177/0738894219836285. hdl:10230/46774. ISSN 0738-8942. S2CID 159416397.
  97. ^ Levitsky, Steven; Way, Lucan (13 September 2022). Revolution and Dictatorship: The Violent Origins of Durable Authoritarianism. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691169521.
  98. ^ a b c Thyne, Clayton L.; Powell, Jonathan M. (1 April 2014). "Coup d'état or Coup d'Autocracy? How Coups Impact Democratization, 1950–2008". Foreign Policy Analysis: n/a. doi:10.1111/fpa.12046. ISSN 1743-8594.
  99. ^ Powell, Jonathan M. (3 July 2014). "An assessment of the 'democratic' coup theory". African Security Review. 23 (3): 213–224. doi:10.1080/10246029.2014.926949. ISSN 1024-6029. S2CID 58937153.
  100. ^ Derpanopoulos, George; Frantz, Erica; Geddes, Barbara; Wright, Joseph (1 April 2017). "Are coups good for democracy? A response to Miller (2016)". Research & Politics. 4 (2): 2053168017707355. doi:10.1177/2053168017707355. ISSN 2053-1680.
  101. ^ Lachapelle, Jean (21 November 2019). "No Easy Way Out: The Effect of Military Coups on State Repression". The Journal of Politics. 82 (4): 1354–1372. doi:10.1086/707309. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 222428308.
  102. ^ Thyne, Clayton; Hitch, Kendall (2020). "Democratic versus Authoritarian Coups: The Influence of External Actors on States' Postcoup Political Trajectories". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 64 (10): 1857–1884. doi:10.1177/0022002720935956. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 222111312.
  103. ^ "Is the overthrow of a democratically elected government ever justified?". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 9 February 2023. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
  104. ^ Zack Beauchamp (16 July 2016). "Why Turkey's coup failed, according to an expert". Vox. Archived from the original on 17 July 2016. Retrieved 16 July 2016.
  105. ^ "Are coups good for democracy?". Washington Post. Archived from the original on 22 August 2016. Retrieved 17 July 2016.
  106. ^ "Jay Ulfelder on Twitter". 16 July 2016. Archived from the original on 29 January 2017. Retrieved 17 July 2016.
  107. ^ Bleck, Jaimie; Michelitch, Kristin (9 May 2017). "Capturing the Airwaves, Capturing the Nation? A Field Experiment on State-Run Media Effects in the Wake of a Coup". The Journal of Politics. 79 (3): 873–889. doi:10.1086/690616. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 157667393.
  108. ^ Curtice, Travis B; Arnon, Daniel (14 May 2019). "Deterring threats and settling scores: How coups influence respect for physical integrity rights". Conflict Management and Peace Science. 37 (6): 655–673. doi:10.1177/0738894219843240. ISSN 0738-8942. S2CID 182783295.
  109. ^ Shannon, Megan; Thyne, Clayton; Hayden, Sarah; Dugan, Amanda (1 October 2015). "The International Community's Reaction to Coups". Foreign Policy Analysis. 11 (4): 363–376. doi:10.1111/fpa.12043. ISSN 1743-8594.
  110. ^ a b Soest, Christian von; Wahman, Michael (1 January 2015). "Not all dictators are equal: Coups, fraudulent elections, and the selective targeting of democratic sanctions". Journal of Peace Research. 52 (1): 17–31. doi:10.1177/0022343314551081. ISSN 0022-3433. S2CID 26945588. Archived from the original on 4 January 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2020.
  111. ^ a b Masaki, Takaaki (1 March 2016). "Coups d'État and Foreign Aid". World Development. 79: 51–68. doi:10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.11.004.
  112. ^ Powell, Jonathan; Lasley, Trace; Schiel, Rebecca (7 January 2016). "Combating Coups d'état in Africa, 1950–2014". Studies in Comparative International Development. 51 (4): 482–502. doi:10.1007/s12116-015-9210-6. ISSN 0039-3606. S2CID 155591291.
  113. ^ Thyne, Clayton; Powell, Jonathan; Parrott, Sarah; VanMeter, Emily (15 January 2017). "Even Generals Need Friends". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 62 (7): 1406–1432. doi:10.1177/0022002716685611. S2CID 151393698.
  114. ^ Balima, Hippolyte Weneyam (2020). "Coups d'état and the cost of debt". Journal of Comparative Economics. 48 (3): 509–528. doi:10.1016/j.jce.2020.04.001. ISSN 0147-5967. S2CID 219428475. Archived from the original on 4 January 2023. Retrieved 18 May 2020.
  115. ^ "Twenty Years Later: The Tajik Civil War And Its Aftermath". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. 26 June 2017. Archived from the original on 8 August 2017.

Further reading

edit
  • Connor, Ken; Hebditch, David (2008). How to Stage a Military Coup: From Planning to Execution. Pen and Sword Books Ltd. ISBN 978-1-84832-503-6.
  • De Bruin, Erica (2020) How to Prevent Coups d'État. Cornell University Press.
  • Finer, S.E. (1962). The Man on Horseback: The Role of the Military in Politics. London: Pall Mall Press. p. 98.
  • Goodspeed, D. J. (1962). Six Coups d'État. New-York: Viking Press Inc.
  • n'Diaye, Boubacar (2016). "How Not to Institutionalize Civilian Control: Kenya's Coup Prevention Strategies, 1964–1997". Armed Forces & Society. 28 (4): 619–640. doi:10.1177/0095327X0202800406. S2CID 145783304.
  • Powell, Jonathan M., et al. "A Coup At the Capitol? Conceptualizing Coups and Other Antidemocratic Actions." International Studies Review 24.1 (2022) online; scholars say coup is the ouster of the current government.
  • Schiel, R., Powell, J., & Faulkner, C. (2020). "Mutiny in Africa, 1950–2018". Conflict Management and Peace Science.
  • Singh, Naunihal. (2014) Seizing Power: The Strategic Logic of Military Coups. Johns Hopkins University Press.
edit
Retrieved from "https://en.wiki.x.io/w/index.php?title=Coup_d%27état&oldid=1259352638#Coup-proofing"